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convinced that they had no further terms to keep, might press forward the equipment of their ships and get the start of him by a declaration of war followed up by a prompt attack. To gain time, he disavowed the proceedings of his ambassador, and carried dissimulation so far as to throw him into prison and deprive him of his office. Boreel allowed himself to be deceived by Downing's temporary disgrace, and still continued to encourage the illusions of the States. Although he dared not refrain from making known to them the growing demands of Charles, he endeavoured to persuade them that an ambassador extraordinary might have sufficient credit to make the King more tractable, and he persisted in writing to them that the arrival of such an envoy might bring about a suspension of the engagements between the courts of England and France.

The States were unwilling to turn a deaf ear to this last appeal. They still hoped that this persistency might bring back the English nation to the Dutch alliance, and thus prevent a declaration of war. Having first offered the special mission to Beverningh, who, expecting no success from it, refused the appointment, they made choice of Meerman, who had already been their representative in London. They instructed him to renew their offers concerning the flag, and to let it be known that they would go so far as to dismiss Admiral van Ghent and replace him by Tromp: this last concession having been agreed to in spite of the opposition of the States of Holland. They entrusted Meerman also with a letter addressed to Charles, in which they informed him of the resolutions just passed in favour of the Prince of Orange, by his appointment as captainand admiral-general, hoping that this concession in favour of the King's nephew might prevent a rupture. To help forward the success of the negotiations, they authorised, but too late, the employment of considerable sums intended directly for the King's privy purse. They hoped by these means to gain the neutrality and mediation of England, if not her assistance. The Dutch,' writes a correspondent to Condé, ' are in consternation at the English ambassador's determination to take his leave, and they have sent off expresses to

London with many offers of submission. It is not yet known what may be the result of all this.

In order not to expose themselves to a fresh affront, the States had desired Meerman to await the effect of his first steps before declaring himself as ambassador extraordinary. Meerman, however, lost no time in demanding an audience, at which he presented himself accompanied by Boreel. He announced to Charles that the States had instructed him to demand the execution of the treaties, and to come to an understanding about the flag. The King evaded all reply, and merely expressed surprise at not receiving a signed paper. The two ambassadors hastened to transmit that which they had drawn up to the English commissioners, Arlington and Lauderdale, and requested them to examine it first. The latter replied haughtily that it was not their business to draw up diplomatic notes; and on the day fixed for the conference, taking no account of the written engagement which settled the question of the salute of the flag according to the English demand, they broke off the interview, declaring that the time for negotiation was past.

Thus was notified to the States-General the defection of Charles II. All the efforts made by the Grand Pensionary had failed, and the alliance entered into four years previously between the United Provinces and England was now to be followed by a declaration of war. The league which they had hoped to oppose to Louis XIV. could no longer protect them, and they were in their turn threatened by the vengeance of the King of France with a coalition which must place them at his mercy. Having freed themselves from the yoke of Spain, against whom they had entered into a most unequal conflict, they were now to be reduced to defend their independence against the two most powerful monarchies of Europe, to whom it seemed that they were fated to succumb, but against whom they were to maintain an indomitable resist

ance.

CHAPTER XI.

DIPLOMATIC ISOLATION AND MILITARY WEAKNESS- ALLIANCES AND PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE.

Fallacious security of the States-General-They let slip from them the Swedish alliance- Van Haren's negotiations Treaty of neutrality between Sweden and France-Engagements of the Emperor of Germany with Louis XIV.— The German Princes won over to the French alliance-Negotiations of the States-General with the Princes of the House of Brunswick-Treaty of the King of France with the Bishop of Münster and the Elector of CologneVain attempts of John de Witt to assist the town of Cologne against the Elector-The States-General obtain the support of the Elector of Brandenburg Negotiations of their envoy Amerongen-Diplomatic diversion attempted by the Elector of Mayence-The conquest of Egypt suggested to Louis XIV. Relations of the States-General with the court of Spain-Embassy of Beverningh to Madrid-Treaty of assistance-Conferences at Brussels-Great part taken in them by the Grand Pensionary and his brother-Neglect of their defences by the United Provinces-Disarmament -Disputes between the States of Holland and the States-General as to the disbanding of some companies-State of the army-Military weaknessRestoration of the highest commands-Prince John Maurice of Nassau and Major-General Wurtz-Imprudent confidence of the Grand PensionaryHis tardy commencement of the defensive preparations-Slowness of the deliberations Opposition of Zealand-Concord restored by De Witt-Financial measuress-Unsuccessful attempts to create new taxes-The combinations of annuities studied by De Witt-His reports to the States of Holland-Successive loans-Creation of pecuniary resources-Result of the financial administration of the Grand Pensionary-Pacification of internal divisions undertaken by De Witt-Fagel appointed Secretary of the States-GeneralVan Beuningen sent as ambassador to London-Hoofdt, burgomaster of Amsterdam-Renewed disputes-Proposal to appoint the Prince of Orange captain-general-Impolitic resistance offered by De Witt-The States of Holland split into two parties-Vote for the commission of the captaingeneral-Disagreement on the question of a life-command-Compromise arranged by De Witt-Proclamation of the Prince of Orange as captaingeneral-Public rejoicings-Harmony only restored in appearance—Organisation of the military staff-The deputies in the camp-The command of the fleet continued to Ruyter-His lieutenant-admirals-Cornelius de Witt delegated to him by the States-General-Committee for naval affairsIt is presided over by John de Witt-Naval armaments-Effective force of

the army-New levies-De Witt's repeated demands for them-Reserve forces Insufficiency of the defensive preparations-Last years of the domestic life of John de Witt-His widowerhood-His house-His family relations- His children-Their education-Subsequent fate of his sons and daughters-Cornelius de Witt at Dordrecht-Offices and honours conferred upon him-His character-His relations with John de Witt-His wife, Maria van Berkel-His children-Common fate of the two brothers.

THE States-General had taken no measures to turn aside the dangers which threatened them. They had too easily persuaded themselves that they had only to preserve the Netherlands to Spain in order to secure the independence of the United Provinces. Believing that the safety of the republic was assured, they neglected to profit by their financial resources to obtain the protection and assistance of their allies. They would have liked Spain to pay the costs of their defence, and the Grand Pensionary remarks sorrowfully on their refusal to consent to pecuniary engagements. The conviction is forced upon me,' he writes, 'that their High Mightinesses will not consent to promise subsidies to anyone, unless, in the event of war, the troops for which the subsidies were promised were put into the field at once, and that they will never, in time of peace, merely for fear of a rupture, take a definite resolution beforehand to make any preliminary sacrifice of money.' 'It is the character of the Dutch,' he writes. in another letter, unless danger is staring them in the face to be disinclined to make any sacrifices for their own defence.' He protested that he had to deal with people who were liberal to profusion when they ought to be sparing, and were often economical to avarice when they ought to spend their money.'

The States were equally parsimonious as to bribing the principal ministers at certain courts who might have been of use to them. They were suspicious of venal services, and whilst the Kings of France and England maintained, even in the Federal Assembly, spies who had been convicted in a court of justice of giving up official papers; whilst they surrounded the deputies with such a network of intrigue that, as a measure of precaution, it was necessary to forbid the latter living or dining at inns; the States-General thought it

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extravagant to employ those presents and largesses which, according to the code of diplomatic morals of that day, were effectual and often indispensable means for the success of negotiations. One of their most sagacious ministers, De Groot, did not hesitate, in his private correspondence, to blame this conduct. We are very wrong,' he writes to Wicquefort, to expect good offices from everybody, and to confer benefits upon no one. This rigid virtue which it is desired to practise in Holland is, no doubt, very proper; but it is not welltimed, and is suitable only to those who can stand alone, without need of other aid. France is much wiser; she gives on all sides, and everywhere buys what she cannot conquer.'

This policy of ill-judged economy was to cost the StatesGeneral dear, and was fated to lose them the alliance of Sweden, for which Louis XIV. outbid them. The court of Sweden, during the king's minority, was a prey to intrigues and always ready to be bought by the highest bidder. 'Jealous of a share in the affairs of Europe,' writes Pomponne, Sweden delighted in seeing herself sought on all sides, without the intention of entering into a real engagement with anyone, and found her advantage in such a line of conduct.' 'When one has made any stay at Stockholm,' writes the French ambassador, Courtin, the vanity of these northern Gascons becomes pretty well known, and the extent also of their necessities.' During his embassy at Stockholm, De Groot had never ceased to write home in the same strain. 'Matters are at such a pass,' he writes, they must have money and that from foreign sources, and whoever provides them with it will carry the day over whoever does not.' The United Provinces were to discover to their cost how wellgrounded was this anticipation.

The participation of Sweden in the Triple Alliance had encouraged the States-General in their illusions, and her first refusal of the pecuniary offers of Louis XIV. had completely reassured them. They gave themselves up to a fallacious security, and recalling Peter de Groot from Stockholm to send him as ambassador to France, neglected his advice, and contented themselves with being represented in Sweden by