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were the hands of Esau.

He will further tell you that he was driven from the support of his own or Milton Brown's resolution, by the amendment of Mr. Walker in the Senate. What was there in the words of Mr. Walker's amendment thus to frighten him from his purpose? The words were precisely those used by the Tennessee Legislature-by Burchett Douglass, Jno. B. Ashe, H. M, Burton, and all your friends in that body. If you condemn the words of that amendment, you condemn your own friends, and if you save yourself by this excuse, you ruin and destroy them forever. They told you to admit Texas into the Union“ on an equal footing with the sovereign States.” The amendment did admit her "on an equal footing with the existing States." The one seems to have been copied from the other. But Mr. Foster will tell you that this amendment contained a concession to the Abolitionists of the North, which he would have died sooner than make. A concession to the Abolitionists! A sacrifice of the institutions of the South to the foul demon of fanaticism! Why, how is this? She was to come in “on an equal footing with the existing States.” What are the rights of the existing States in relation to holding slaves ? To have them or not to have them, just as the people may choose. Why do they not have slavery in New York? Only because the people of that State do not choose to have it. Why have we slaves in Tennessee ? Only because we choose to have them. So it was to be with Texas, precisely. So far from being frightened off by the amendment, he should have seized on it with avidity, so far as the slave question was concerned, for that extended slavery, if the people of Texas wanted it, all over Texas, whereas Mr. Foster's resolution confined it to South of thirty-six degrees thirty minutes, the Missouri Compromise line. To sum up the whole on this point, Mr. Foster called for a guarantee. The amendment gave it in express words, as plain as the English language could make it. It gave a broader and better guarantee than Mr. Foster had given to himself. It was but a delusion of the brain that induced him to think or to imagine that he thought he could see an Abolitionist in Walker's amendment. Henderson nor John

Foster that there was nothing in it. Mr. Senator Choate, of Massachusetts, himself an Abolitionist, was called upon to examine it carefully. He did so examine it, and shaking his head at Mr. Foster said, "there is no Abolitionist there, Mr. Foster. I wish there was, I would then vote for it.

But I see slavery there—all over Texas-worse than in your own resolutions." So Mr. Choate votes against the amendment because he sees a great big negro in it, whilst Mr. Foster votes against it because he sees a red hot Abolitionist in it. What wonderful discrepancy between these two great Whig Senators! Mr. Choate might well cry out to Mr. Foster

“He must have optics keen, I ween,

Who sees what is not to be seen." Mr. Foster may again, to-day, give you his old argument that he wanted Texas, but that he loved the Union and the Constitution better than Texas. It is the old argument of last summer. Then we were told the same things. We were even told that the convention had been actually called for its dissolution to be held at Nashville, and that Andrew Jackson was to preside over it. Well, time drove the false and infamous prophecy back on all the prophets of Baal who had uttered it; no convention of the sort was called ; Andrew Jackson now sleeps in the tomb, and the last throb of his soul was for the Union and for his country. Texas, too, has been annexed, and now who sees any marks of the displeasure of Heaven on account of it. The earth puts forth its verdure, the clouds send down their showers, the sun sends forth his beams to gild the mountains and to gladden the plains just as he did before. The Union, too, the bright and glorious Union, like the rainbow of promise, still bespands the continent. See how beoutifully it curves along the blue arch of Heaven, from the great lakes of the north to the Gulf of Mexico on the south. How gloriously does it shine all along the shores of the Atlanticthen rising above the eastern mountains, pours its full blaze of glory over the magnificent valley of the Mississippi; still onward, over the Rocky Mountains, it passes the far distant Oregon, until it illuminates the great Pacific with all its bays and rivers

hope and promise-oh, may it last and endure forever.

But I have spoken of Oregon. She is yours by discovery, yours by settlement, yours by purchase from Spain. Your own people are there, many thousands of them, and more are on the way or preparing to set out at no distant period. It is larger and richer by far, than all the New England States put together. The English are there likewise; they are there by your permission, for the distinct and specified purpose of fishing, hunting and trading chiefly in furs. Being there for one purpose, they insist on staying there as either sole or joint owners of the country. I have not time now to investigate the English claim; but I have examined it well. I have reported on it to the American Congress, and I do not hesitate to reaffirm the declaration of President Polk, that “our title to Oregon is clear and unquestionable.” Session after session has the democratic party been endeavoring to extend our laws over our people and to give them the benefit of our protection. At the last session I reported a bill for that purpose. It was opposed by Mr. Adams, Mr. Joseph R. Ingersoll and others of the whig party, but finally passed by a large majority, (two or three to one,) many of the whig party voting with us.

I was pained to see that every whig from Tennessee voted against it. Still it passed and was sent to the Senate. There a motion was made to take it up. That motion failed, I think, by two votes, and I regretted extremely to see a measure so national in its character, so just and necessary to our own people, fail by the votes of the two Senators from Tennessee. Sirs, I can excuse a Senator or any body else for voting against Texas a thousand times sooner than for voting against Oregon. Texas belonged to others, and we might buy it or except of it as we chose; but Oregon was our country, those who were there were bound to us by allegiance, and we were bound to them by all the ties of duty, of honor and of blood to give them our protection. They are there in sight of British court houses and dungeons, liable every day to be arrested and cast into those dungeons; to be tried before British judges and juries, and then finally taken away to the whipping post and lashed by a British officer until the blood runs from the quivering flesh to get is some idle anecdote of a Dutchman who had never heard of Oregon. An American Senator cracking his jokes whilst his countrymen may be bleeding! The negotiations are still going on between the two countries, and I sincerely hope may lead to an amicable adjustment. Still, however, it becomes the American people to stand prepared at all times to assert, maintain and defend their rights. America may be the last asylum of liberty for the human family. In almost every other country the just and equal rights of man have been cloven down by the sword, or usurped by the kings, princes, and potentates of the earth. Here liberty has reared her favorite temple. She has laid its foundations deep and wide. Her bulwarks have been made strong, and the ministers who attend her altars and the worshippers who throng her gates should never surrender it but with their lives. Never was there a people who possessed a finer or nobler country. Go up with me in imagination and stand for awhile on some lofty summit of the Rocky Mountains. Let us take one ravishing view of this broad land of liberty. Turn your face toward the Gulf of Mexico, what do you behold? Instead of one lone star faintly shining in the far distant south, a whole galaxy of stars of the first magnitude are bursting on your vision and shining with a bright and glorious effulgence. Now turn with me to the west -the mighty west-where the setting sun dips her broad disk in the western ocean. Look away down through the misty distance to the shores of the Pacific, with all its bays and harbours and rivers. Cast your eyes as far as the Russian possessions in latitude fifty-four degrees and forty minutes. What a new world lies before you. How many magnificent States to be the future homes of the sons and daughters of freedom. But you have not yet gazed on half this glorious country. Turn now your face to the east, where the morning sun first shines on this land of liberty. Away yonder, you see the immortal old thirteen, who achieved our independence; nearer to us lie the twelve or fifteen States of the great valley of the Mississippi stretching and reposing like so many giants in their slumbers. O! now I see your heart is full—it can take in no American, and thankful to Heaven that his lot was cast in such a goodly land ? When did mental vision ever rest on such a scene? Moses, when standing on the top of Mount Pisgah, looking over on the promised land, gazed not on a scene half so lovely. O! let us this day vow that whatever, else we may do, by whatever name we may be called, we will never surrender one square acre of this goodly heritage to the dictation of any king or potentate on earth. Swear it! swear it my countrymen, and let Heaven record the vow forever. What if the English Lion shall begin to growl? What if he shall presently fill the air with his roar ? Armed with right and justice on our side, we fear him not. Our fathers did not fear him before us. Let him roar. The American Eagle, your own high bird of liberty, is even now pluming her wings for her loftiest flight, and will presently utter notes of bolder defiance than England's Lion ever heard.

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