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in his profession which no mediocrity of talents could have attained. Thrown early into Congress, he rose rapidly to distinction as one of the most talented and useful supporters of Gen. Jackson's administration. Transferred to the Senate, he exhibited all those high powers of debate that made him the worthy compeer of the illustrious men who then composed that body. I know of no man with whom so justly to compare

him as with James K. Polk. Not much differing in age, in industry, in habits of study, in perseverance, in power of debate, in ardent devotion to the principles of the Constitution, and unflinching determination to support them, the resemblance was striking and imposing. Gen. Jackson, great in his intuitive knowledge of men, foresaw his eminence. Mr. Calhoun predicted it, and Mr. Polk, every day identified with him in public labors, expressed the opinion that at some day he would be President of the United States. Gen. Pierce, however, has never been an office-seeker, and has done nothing to bring about the realization of these predictions. He voluntarily resigned the office of Senator. When Mr. Woodbury was appointed to the Supreme Bench of the United States, the appointment was tendered to him to fill his vacancy, but he declined it. He declined the nomination for Governor of New Hampshire, when his election would have been certain. President Polk invited him into his cabinet as Attorney General of the United States, which he also declined, writing that he had resolved never to accept an office which would separate him from his family, except at the call of his country in time of war. That time soon arrived. Like his father before him, he was ever ready to make battle for his country. He volunteered for the Mexican service, and when he reported himself to the President, he tendered to him the commission of Colonel, and afterwards promoted him to that of Brigadier General. It is not my purpose to recite the history of his military service in Mexico. In his march from Vera Cruz to the main army in the interior, in the battles of Contreras, Churubusco, Molino del Rey and Chepultepec, the reports of Generals Scott, Pillow and Worth, bear high and honorable testimony to his gallantry

well be directed against the courage of the Commander-inChief as against that of Gen. Pierce. Stationed on the summit of some distant hill, with his spyglass in his hand, there was no danger of being thrown from his horse whilst charging the enemy over the craggy and dangerous pedrigal. Yet no cormorant appetite for slander ever charged General Scott with cowardice because he viewed the progress of the battle from positions exempted from danger. Not so with General Pierce. There is no such liberality and sense of justice reserved for him. A Field-Marshal of France could but yesterday be thrown from his horse and be instantly killed—the gallant Ridgely could share the same fate—but it was impossible for the horse of Gen. Pierce to fall; or if he fell, it was impossible that its rider should have been much injured; or if much injured, it is incredible that he should the next day have fainted, in the heat of the action, from the severity of his wounds or bruises! The American people understand too well the motives which prompt to such base and infamous attacks to lend the ear of credulity to the foul insinuation. Gen. Scott himself stands convicted of falsehood, if Gen. Pierce acted not the part of a brave and gallant soldier. But I mean to lay but little stress on the military prowess of either. Mere military attainments, unaccompanied by qualification in civil affairs, to me furnish no passport to the Presidency. Gen. Washington had been a soldier, but with him it had never been a trade, a calling, a lifetime pursuit, as it has been with General Scott. With Washington, his generalship sunk into insignificance when compared with his solid, massy, practical good sense, and his disinterested and lofty patriotism. Gen. Jackson was a citizen soldier, with whom arms had been but a mere incident of his life, not his main pursuit. He had been a judge of our highest court, a member of Congress and Senator, exhibiting in every situation civil qualifications of the highest order. So it is with Gen. Pierce. We refer to the fact of his having volunteered in the services of his country and to his gallantry and good conduct in it only to evince his patriotism, whilst we civil qualifications. On the life and death question involved in this canvass, every day is developing his devotion to the Constitution, and to our rights under it, which must endear him forever to his countrymen.

Two years ago, in the very heat of the battle, when blow after blow, and crash after crash, seemed to announce the downfall of the republic, John P. Hale, the great leader of the abolitionists, proclaimed in a public speech that he was ready to head an army and to march upon the south to put down slavery. What did Franklin Pierce say to that? He sprung forward like the Numidian tiger, and replied, “You shall first march over my dead body; for I will head an army to oppose you!" Noble sentiment! Heroic declaration! Could old Marion or Sumpter have beat that? Did Gen. Scott ever make for you such a speech as that? Did he ever exhibit such a sublime devotion to us and to the Constitution ? No; for at that very moment, he was being nominated by every abolition legislature, and his name flying at the mast-bead of every abolition newspaper at the north. Fillmore was trying hard to breast the storm; Webster was putting forth all his mighty power; Pierce was bearding the great lion of the tribe, face to face; but Winfield Scott had not one single word to say publicly in your behalf! Nay, worse than that, he threw his sword, his war plumes, and all his large honors in the scale against you!

There they are yet, and there they will remain until this tragedy shall end. And end it must. I know not when nor how. But when I see so many of my countrymen yet fast asleep in the arms of party-when I see them slumbering on the brink of ruin—when a threat to march large armies down upon them to take away nine hundred millions of their property, can rouse them up to no preparation-when they hesitate to stand by those who are ready to throw their dead bodies between them and danger, I am obliged to have and I do have forebodings as to how this tragedy is to end—that it must end as the creed of abolition declares, in vengeance, revolution and death! ate than any which I can utter, “ If that catastrophe shall happen let it have no history. Let the horrible narrative never be written. Let its fate be like the lost book of Livy, which no human eye shall ever read. Or like the missing Pleiad, of which no man can ever know more, than that it is lost and lost forever."

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Of Gov. Aaron V. Brown, at the Charleston and Calhoun

Mass Meeting, taken from the Knoxville Plebeian, of October 16th, 1852.

Gov. A. V. BROWN said: In the present canvass the whig party had no candidate for the Presidency. We deplore the fact, because with all its faults and all its errors, it is a thousand-fold better than that dangerous faction which had lately outnumbered them in convention, superseded their favorite candidates, and set up one of their own. He did not blame, he did not reproach them for not having a candidate. He said he knew how hard they tried to have one-how carefully they appointed their delegates to the convention, and how cautious they were, in most cases, to guard by specific instructions against the very calamity which had befallen them.

It is somewhere said in the Sacred Writings, continued Gov. Brown, that when the saints of the Lord had assembled together, Satan also appeared amongst them. So it was when the whig party assembled in Baltimore; the abolitionists of the north also appeared in their midst, and boldly demanded the nomination of their candidate. That candidate was Winfield Scolt. The whigs proper refused to accept him. They demanded to know his principles by public avowal. He refused publicly to avow them.' To bring his whig principles fully and finally to the test, the whigs presented him with their platform of principles, but his friends rejected it with scorn. They spit upon it and trampled it beneath their feet. Thereupon, the whigs proper of the convention presented Millard

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