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committee, and was evidently intended as a sort of apologetic address to the American people, for all the errors and short comings of the Whig party. Without taking time to examine this address, let me recite the extraordinary and exciting incidents in relation to the tariff, subsequent to the veto. The Clay portion of the party seemed roused to the very highest pitch of rage and fury. They declared for instant adjournment. When reminded that one of their own bills (Mr. Barnard's) for remedying real or supposed defects in the collection of the revenue, ought to be acted on, they indignantly refused to go into committee upon it. When admonished that all the duties now were being paid under protest, and that if the courts should determine that no duties at all were collectable, the consequence might be the stoppage of the very wheels of government,-the reply was, Let them stop, and on John Tyler be the responsibility. The speech of Mr. Adams, his report, and the vote of the Whig party all indicated a fixed and determined purpose to abandon the halls of Congress forthwith, and leave the government to whatever fate might befall it.
Even the midnight caucus drill had lost its magic potency. The eloquence of Marshall, (who was understood to be the first to insist that the bill should be passed without distribution,) the earnest and touching appeals of the manufacturers, could produce no effect on the maddened and infuriated cohorts of the Dictator. The caucus broke up with the understanding that they could agree upon nothing on the subject, as a party; but that any member of it might bring forward such proposition as he thought proper, and that each one should vote for or against it, without any party responsibility. In this state of things, Mr. McKennan, a Whig of Pennsylvania, (a convert I believe to the arguments of Mr. Marshall,) came forward with the bill which had been vetoed-leaving out the twenty-seventh section in relation to distribution. In his speech, he avowed his determination, and that of most of his Whig friends, to support this bill, and no other. IIe said they would scorn to receive one at the hands of the Democrats; that it was useless for them to
Clay were still determined to go against the bill, and that they held the power to defeat it. This presented a most trying crisis. That something should be done in relation to the collection of the revenue, was admitted by all. The Democratic party, generally, were perfectly content with the rate of duties of the compromise; but as serious doubts were entertained by many whether some new law was not necessary to regulate the mode of collecting them, they were anxious that such doubt should be removed. They had often tried to remove it, but the Whig party had always prevented them. Now they were told that it was useless for them to propose anything, for the Whigs would scorn to receive it at their hands. What a strange condition was here. The Democrats can do nothing, because opposed by the whole Whig party en masse. The Northern manufacturing Whig party can do nothing, because they propose a tariff too high for Democratic acceptance; and, because it omits distribution, the friends of Mr. Clay will give it no support, but insist on instant adjournment, and abandonment of the government to its fate. I but describe to you the actual and embarrassing condition of affairs at one of the most critical periods of our history. It was under such circumstances as these that the Democrats of Pennsylvania, and a portion from New York, resolved to throw themselves into the breach between the discordant Whig factions, and save the government from that ruin and destruction which they verily believed might be the consequence of the madness and desperate course of the Clay faction. The same state of things was found to exist in the other House, when four Democratic Senators, from similar motives, pursued the same course. Whilst I cannot assent to their reasoning, nor approve of their vote, I feel constrained to admit the purity and patriotism of their motives. When, however, it was discovered that the bill would probably be passed without their aid, these “furiosi” of the Whig party began to think what sort of record they were making up for themselves and their friend "Harry of the West,” in reference to the campaign of 1844. The very thought that this desertion and abandonment of the manufacturing interest might be relike a charm upon them. One by one, slow, reluctant, and solemn, they came forward-Botts, Stanly, Thompson of Indiana, and many others—to give in their adhesion to the bill; but all solemnly declaring that they would never surrender to Captain Tyler-never, never, not they! In the Senate, the same reluctant capitulation. Mr. Crittenden exclaimed that he looked upon this as the proudest victory the Whig party had ever achieved ; they had conquered (not Capt. Tyler, but) themselves.” Never did that Senator utter a sounder truth than that. In the hectic glow of pretended triumph, he pronounced the appropriate epitaph of his own party,
“ The Whigs have conquered themselves.' They have accomplished their own destruction, by the folly and wickedness of their measures. The distribution bill broke down our national credit, and brought it so low that their party can scarcely borrow a dollar, even at enormous interest, either in this country or in Europe. How could they expect to borrow money, when, with no means of repayment, they were giving away every dollar which they were to receive from the sale of our vast public domain? Who would lend money, either to an individual or government, who was giving away with one hand whilst he was borrowing with the other?
But whilst the distribution law destroyed our national credit, the bankrupt law destroyed all remaining confidence between man and man, and thereby increased the heart-rending sufferings of the people in their pecuniary affairs. What forcign creditor could feel easy and indulgent to his American debtor, when the next packet might bring the news that he “bad taken the benefit of the act," and that his debt was lost forever? What Eastern merchants would be indulgent to the Western ones? And how could the last be indulgent to their numerous customers-farmers, mechanics and laborers? Each is afraid to wait, lest some one else shall get the start of him, and exhaust his property; and that when he calls for his pay, he may find that the debtor“has nothing more than the law allows." Nor will the operation of this new tariff fail greatly to increase the burdens and distresses of the people. It is impossible for it to fail to do so. How can a people, already oppressed with debts, everything he either eats, drinks, wears, or uses ? Every man of plain, common understanding, must see, in the enormous rates imposed by this law, deep, and, I fear, lasting injury to the community at large;—not to the manufacturers, not to the capitalists, of course: these will fatten and grow rich upon it; but the farmer, the planter, the mechanic, and laborer must suffer under its cruel and unjust exactions. To show you its operation since its passage, I subjoin the following from the New York Journal of Commerce:
“The tariff, though a great relief from the dangers of no law, is yet operating very severely upon merchants engaged in the foreign trade. A friend of ours who happened to be yesterday in the store of an importer, seeing a row of packages of dry goods which appeared to have been recently imported, inquired of the merchant as to the operation of the tariff. The duty of the first package, said the merchant, is ninety per cent on the cost'; on the second, one hundred per cent.; on the third four hundred per cent.; on the fourth, fifty per cent.; and the fifth, two hundred per cent.; on the sixth, sixty per cent.; and on the rest fifty to seventy-five per cent. The duties, it will be remembered, are levied from the day of the signing of the act, upon goods which were ordered with the expectation of paying twenty per cent. Such duties, payable in cash, of course put an end to trade. The package which paid a duty of four hundred per cent., was fancy cotton handkerchiefs, with a thread of silk around them to highten the color, which made thein subject to the specific duty on silk by the pound. It is greatly to be regretted that Congress, after so long a session, should have come to so unsatisfactory a result. We hope, however, that, at the next session, Congress will modify the extravagant features of the bill, and bring it into a shape which will give to all kinds of business the fundamental basis of prosperity-permanence and steadiness.”
I know well how the leaders intend to escape from the odium which these measures must bring upon them. They are now engaged in raising a hue-and-cry against President Tyler, in order to draw away public attention from their own evil deeds, and fix the blame on some other than themselves. It was ever the custom of that party to do so. Who would have believed that in 1840, when they were making tbeir false accusations of corruption against Mr. Van Buren's administration, they were paying out thousands to bribe men to vote against him in the elections ? The disclosures of Stevens and Glentworth, and others, have since come to light, and have astonished the nasands have left their party in consequence of them. Since that election, too, the old United States Bank has rotted down upon its foundations, filling the land with the stench of its putridity and corruption. A committee appointed by the stockholders to save something, if possible, for them from the wreck, have reported that more than half a million of dollars are unaccounted for, and that the vouchers for that amount have been suppressed or destroyed. No man doubts but these vouchers, if produced, would have shed much light on the bribery and fraud of the last election. Again: who would have believed, when the itincrant rhetors of that party were traversing the country in 1810, making the loudest professions of their devotion to order and law, and all the institutions of our country, that they had formed, and were cherishing a deep design and settled purpose, in case they were not successful in that election, to destroy all order, to disregard all laws, and overturn our institutions by revolutionary violence? At a period too late for detection, or when their partisans had become maddened and infuriated like themselves, these designs of violence and force were publicly avowed.
In a speech of Senator Preston, at Richmond, Virginia, he is reported to have said: “If Mr. Van Buren cannot be displaced through the ballot-box in November next, I, for one, am ready to resort to such means, as God and nature have put within my reach to force a change.". Mr. J. C. Graves, in a speech at Portsmouth, Virginia, is also reported to have said: “ If it were not for the hope of redress through the ballot-box, I would here, so help me God, upon this holy altar, take an oath this night, to take up arms, and march with you to Washington, and put down the present dynasty by force." The late Secretary of War, (Mr. Bell,) in a published letter to the party committees, to whom he was writing, said: “The appeal is now to reason. No feelings but those of patriotism, love of justice, and equal right, need be invoked as yet: though the day may come, when a sense of injury and oppression, of indignation for a country's institutions dishonored and overthrown, may call forth deeper passions and awaken different energies. That