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I have been able to learn, have given general satisfaction.With but few if any exceptions they have been found to be based on equal and impartial justice, calculated neither to pamper the rich nor to oppress the poor-intended for the benefit of all, they confer no party or sectional advantages, but look forward to the general welfare of the whole State. As to the special laws of that session, in which the county of Giles was interested, we presume none can be dissatisfied. At the commencement of that session, the county had not a single dollar in the way of public funds, except what was raised by ordinary taxation; at its close, your representatives had obtained for her between 12 and $15,000. All remember the dissatisfaction that then prevailed about our Agency Bank. Your representatives prevailed on the Legislature to cut off the greater part of it from the mother Bank, and to make a donation of it to the county of Giles. Its superintendence was given to all the Justices of the county, whilst its direct management was given to Mr. Abernathy, an agent, in whose integrity and capacity for such business, I know you have unbounded confidence. Beside this, your representatives obtained for you nearly $3000 for the important purpose of improving your navigable waters. Both of these sums, making in all about 12 to $15,000, they procured for you at one session. They made it absolutely yours, putting it beyond all future chances of being taken from you. When, let me ask, since 1809, when this county was first organized, did you ever receive such a donation as this? Never. And I will venture the assertion, that when the little prejudices and the passions of the present times shall have passed away, and public men shall be judged by what they do, by what they accomplish for you, and not by the dictates of party animosity, this one donation alone will hail that session as one of the most liberal and useful to the county which was ever holden.

With this slight reference to the regular session, I will now pass to the more recent and important events of the called session. The uninformed have sometimes complained that this sessior, should not have been convened at all. They impute it to some neglect or oversight of the members of the Legislature. assiduous, could have rendered it unnecessary. The Constitution of the United States requires a new census and a new apportionment of representatives every ten years. This law of Congress, passed in April, or May, 1832; whereas the Legislalature of this State, having gotten through with all its business, had adjourned about the middle of December, 1831.

Were we to have continued in session, with nothing to do all that time, waiting for Congress to pass that law? or were we to be gifted with the spirit of prophecy, and thereby know beforehand how many new representatives we would be entitled to, and to lay off the districts accordingly? Alas! your representatives, like their constituents, are but poor prophets, and can find themselves full of employment in comprehending the past and providing for the present, without pretending to lay claim to a prescience of the future!

That law of Congress gave to Tennessee four additional members of that body, and of course four more electors of President and Vice President. In these alarming times, when Congress was engaged on the great questions of the Bank, of Internal Improvement, the Tariff, etc., were you willing to do without your full weight in the national councils ? Again, were you willing in the Presidential election, whilst General Jackson was struggling in his election against Henry Clay, the antiMasons, the United States Bank, and the old Federal party in the bargain, to take away from him four votes in Tennessee, to which he was entitled ? No, gentlemen--the Governor knew his own duty and your wishes too well not to convene the Legislature on such an important occasion. If he had not done

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he would have been denounced from one end of the State to the other; and you yourselves would have been amongst the loudest in his malediction. Liberty is better than money, and the expense of a called session ought not to weigh as the dust in the balance, when compared with the perma

ce and safety of our republican institutions.

In his message, the Governor called our attention to the laying off of Congressional districts, according to the new apportionment of Congress. This has always been found a ture ten years ago, when the present system was formed; I then witnessed the difficulty of making any arrangement which would give universal satisfaction, and at the same session took an early opportunity to explain to the committee, most of whom had no experience on such subjects, the main source whence dissatisfaction then arose, and implored them, as far as practicable, to avoid such difficulties. I was opposed to long districts, because they were sure to create a struggle amongst the counties for the centre-each anxious to get a favorable position for itself, would exert every effort to avoid being placed at either end of the district. Laying down this principle, I insisted, wherever it was practicable, to lay off the districts in a triangle, rather than an oblong. In that form, no county would be in the centre, and therefore none would have a right to complain. Applying these rules to this quarter of the State, I was willing to place Bedford, Warren and Franklin, in one district; Lincoln, Giles and Maury, in another; and then to give three districts to the west, beginning on Lawrence, etc., west. Contrary, however, to this wish, the committee reported our district in its present form, I voting against it on account of its being longitudinal instead of triangular.

In the House, whilst the bill was on its passage, I was still anxious for Lincoln, Giles and Maury to compose the district rather than the present, because I knew I.incoln would be dissatisfied at running so far to the west, whilst the small counties would be dissatisfied at being connected with the large ones above. Whilst, however, I was exerting myself to bring about a district composed of Lincoln, Giles and Maury, the former made an effort to place herself in the centre, by taking Franklin on the east, and Giles on the west. This proposition was directly at war with the interest of both Franklin and Giles, because it placed them, though much the smallest counties, on the outer skirts of the district, whilst it placed Lincoln between seven hundred or one thousand yotes stronger than either exactly in the centre. I regretted this proposition very much, because it compelled me to give up the idea of Lincoln, Giles and Maury, which I thought would give the least dissatisfaction, and in self-defence, to contend for the centre for my own of Giles and Lincoln was directly at issue; I had tried invariably to avoid bringing their interest in conflict. I believed it might be avoided by laying off a triangular district, but when that issue was made by Lincoln's asking the centre for herself, I had no alternative left, but to ask it for you. I was your sworn representative; I had to act for Giles and not for Lincoln. The struggle was a bold and manly one on both sides; victory sometimes being declared on one side and sometimes on the other. It at last settled down in your favor, leaving Lincoln no more right to be dissatisfied than Giles would have been, if victory had been declared on the other side. Had I been the representative of Lincoln I should most probably have done as he did, but, being the representative of Giles, my sworn duty required me to act as I did. Every reason that made Lincoln desire the centre, made Giles desire it, and every thing which made Lincoln averse to being at one end of a district, made Giles averse to the same position. The recollection, however, that “the race is not always to the swift, nor the battle to the strong," ought to teach all the counties of the district not to remember in unkindness a generous rivalship, which is past, but to look forward in noble emulation, which can in future give the highest proof of republican virtue and patriotic devotion to the interest and glory of our country.

Our next duty required is, to provide for the election of electors of President and Vice President. The Governor in his Message recommended this as a favorable period for the adoption of the general ticket system. This recommendation was published probably in every newspaper in the State, and thousands of copies were printed and distributed in every part of the country; in the meantime not a single newspaper, not a single letter, was written to the members that I ever heard of; not one public meeting in any county of the State was held in opposition, and the members of the Legislature might well say, the general ticket system, as recommended by the Governor, meets with the general, and, probably, universal approbation of the people ; for all have heard it proposed to us, and man in the State, and was adopted by a unanimous vote, I believe, with the exception, probably, of one single member. Yet strange to tell, it is now objected to. Who of my countrymen were the first and loudest to make complaints? They were the enemies of Jackson and the friends of Adams and Clay. They made a huge outcry, and many plain upright men, that were not of their party, but were good friends to their country, not understanding the subject, and not knowing the motives of the Adams and Clay men, were deceived and carried away by their clamor. I stand up this day not to apolovide for the adoption of this system, but to justify and defend it. Go back with me to the dark and trying period of '98, when the great battle was fought between the Federalists and Republicans, in the election between old John Adams and Thomas Jetferson. What was it that lost the republicans several votes in the Southern States ? It was not having adopted the general ticket; the federalists had been on their guard and had adopted it, whilst the republicans, not looking into the matter so deeply, were taken by surprise and well nigh ruined by it. The moment, however, that election was over, the republicans in the old States resolved never to have such an advantage taken of them again; and Virginia, and North Carolina, and other States, instantly adopted the general ticket system. Many of the new States coming into the Union after this great struggle did not know so much by experience, and therefore adopted the district system. On reflection, however, they changed the plan; and at the time of the last session there was no State in the Union that voted by districts but Tennessee and Maryland. Maryland has not changed, because she has always leaned to the federal side-but Tennessee has always been on the republican side. She has always been for Jefferson, Madison, Monroe and Jackson; and therefore it was proper she should adopt the same system and walk in the same footsteps with her republican sisters of the Union.

Many of the citizens of this State, however, do not oppose the adoption of the system, whilst they mainly object to a ticket having been made and recommended to their consideration.

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