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be remembered, that this change was effected at a called ses. sion, when not more than forty-odd days were to elapse before the election. The State is more than five hundred miles in length and more than one hundred in breadth. The new electoral law must be printed at Nashville and carried to the different counties of the State, and be re-printed in the other newspapers of the county towns, and thus sent out to the people, who will require sometime to form themselves into public assemblies, and nominate those candidates whom they intend to support; these nominations must then find their way through every part of the State, in time to be known every where before the election. Now, how long would it be before the Nashville papers would reach East Tennessee, and the law be re-printed, and the people in that section meet and make their nominations ? Then how long before these nominations through the papers will be generally known to the people of the Western District ? Every one must know that all this could not be done with any certainty, in the common course of things, in forty-odd days. If not done when the election came on, the people would all be in confusion. Those in East Tennessee would not know whom those in the Western District were voting for on the Jackson ticket, nor those in the West be apprised of the electors to be run in the East; and thus the different parts of the State, though aiming to support the same good cause, could not act in concert in the election. The very thing our enemies desired, and by which they hoped they might have some chance in Tennessee, and accordingly made out a Clay ticket.

Now, fellow-citizens, it was this very shortness of time; it was to avoid this very confusion amongst friends, and to defeat the hopes and schemes of our enemies, that induced us to make out and recommend these electors to you. It was not to abridge your rights, but to enlarge them, by enabling you to vote for fifteen, instead of one elector, as heretofore. It was not to dictate and compel your votes, contrary to your wishes, but only to recommend and give facility and effect to those votes which we knew you were determined to give to

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any hazard of losing the vote of Tennessee for the want of an electoral ticket. If there had been more time to go upon, the members would not have thought a moment of doing so. But, when her enemies were proudly boasting that New York would abandon him, that South Carolina would not vote for him, and that even good old Pennsylvania, seduced by the mammon of unrighteousness, would forget her ancient affection for him, your representatives would have been traitors to him, to you, and to their country, not to have done all in their power to give him the vote of Tennessee, without even the possibility of a failure. He is a citizen of Ten. nessee; he is proud of being so; he has declared that his brightest glory is identified with her, and that wherever he may be when Providence shall be pleased to call him from his earthly labors, his desires and his commands have already been given, that his mortal remains shall be laid for repose in the bosom of her soil. I have looked upon his grave, already prepared by his own orders, close by the side of her, whom, when living, he so much loved, and whom his enemies so much and so wantonly calumniated. If we have erred, it has been on the side of safety; we have pursued the counsel of the Fathers of the Republic; we have followed the footsteps of the ablest and the wisest States of the Union, and let me assure you, that if your future statesmen shall never follow worse counsels, nor imitate worse examples, you have nothing to fear, your freedom will be secure as your mountains, and your prosperity as abundant as your rivers that roll their mighty tribute to the ocean.

Both of these last mentioned subjects were brought before us by executive communication, but when they were disposed of, the Legislature was not willing to adjourn without bestowing the most serious attention to the various memorials of the people, in favor of a State Bank. These memorials set forth the pecuniary distresses of the country in the most feeling manner, and referring to the large amount due to the Unlted States Bank, and to the sudden suspension or contraction of its accommodations, insisted that the establishment of a State nity from its embarrassments. In order to show their anxiety on this subject, and to give assistance to the Legislature, they had in many of the counties elected delegates to meet at Nashville, for the purpose of consulting and presenting the subject in the most forcible manner to the General Assembly. These delegates presented the charter of a Bank on what was most called "the real estate plan,” new in its principles and complicated in its details. On its third reading in the Senate, at a late period of the session, it was clearly ascertained that such a charter could not pass, and thereupon, the bill being withdrawn for amendment, your representatives, deeply impressed with the propriety of having a Bank of some description, took all the papers to their room and made out the charter which finally passed, and which is now before the public as a law of the land. In preparing this charter, the Legislature has used every possible care to avoid the errors heretofore committed on similar subjects. In chartering former Banks, there was no sufficient safeguard against issuing too much paper for the specie on hand, nor against injudicious laws to stockholders, predicated on their stock. In the present one, a provision is inserted, that should the directors violate the charters in these particulars, they shall be liable in their individual property, and if that should fail to repair all damages, the stockholders, in their private estates, to the extent of each one's stock, are liable for the balance. This is an important principle, distinguishing this from all former charters, and protecting the people from the evils heretofore experienced by broken banks in the State. Tennessee has set the example, and if other States will follow, we shall hear no more of bank explosions, of depreciated currency, etc. Nor shall we be so often assailed with the argument that the people cannot do without a National Bank. The President, it is true, has vetoed that Bank; and in doing so, has covered himself with the highest glory; but unless the different States, when they create Banks, shall establish them on the most safe and permanent foundations, there is still great danger that this institution wil yet recover from its discomfiture and ride triumphant over the rights of the States.

Mr. Flera nas just spoken, like I gave my

to Maj. Eaton; not because his respected and talented opponents might not have deserved such an appointment, but because I believed that in voting for him I was sustaining the wishes of a majority of those whom I had the honor to represent. I had voted for him in two former elections, to the same office, and no complaint was ever made of my having done so.

For ten years

he had served as the Senator of Tennessee. He had proved himself worthy of the high trust. General Jackson had taken him from the Senate, as I knew, expressly against Maj. Eaton's repeated objections and remonstrances. In this situation he had been assailed and persecuted by the enemies of the administration, and with a bitterness, and, as I think all must admit, to an extent far beyond what there could have been any reason or necessity for. Believing him to be a pure patriot and a sound statesman, I felt disposed, by my vote, to show to the world that Tennessee retained undiminished confidence in him, and as was the case with Hill, Van Buren and others, rebuke the enemies of the administration for assailing the President, through his most intimate and confidential friends.

There are other subjects of importance on which, as your representative, I have had to act; but the time allotted for ad dressing you admonishes me not to trespass too long on your patience. The present is a fearful crisis in your national affairs; but I believe I can safely say that our State concerns are, in the general, in a safe and prosperous condition. If I have contributed in any degrees to that prosperity, it amply compensates me for all the privations of ten or twelve years of public service. Tennessee has taken decided grounds on the great question of nullification, now agitated, and expected shortly to disturb the integrity and union of the States. At this very moment, the convention of one of the heretofore most patriotic States of the Union, is in session, and in solemn deliberation whether or not to oppose one of the public laws of the general government. None of us can doubt but that they will attempt to effect that fearful and desperate measure.

If so, and the powers of the State should be brought in open resistance against the laws of Congress, the consequences must Tennessee has uniformly protested against the oppressions of the Protective Tariff system, but she has equally raised her voice against the rash and unconstitutional measures proposed by South Carolina; she abhors oppression, but will never give up the Union. She will cling to that whilst there is hope in the world and as long as liberty has a friend upon earth. Let us, however, indulge a hope, that the State who gave birth to a Sumpter and a Marion, to the Hugers, Rutledges, and Middletons of the revolution, will not be the first to sever a Union, reared by the wisdom and cemented by the blood of the noblest martyrs that ever lived or died in the cause of freedom.

Your members of Congress, as national statesmen, must take charge of these high concerns. The times demand that they should be men of known prudence, of acknowledged wisdom, and unsuspected patriotism. With such men as these, to be co-workers with your venerable President, the Republic may yet be safe. The clouds that now hover dark and portentous over the Union, may be dispelled, and our national banner may yet wave in the breeze, with no star eclipsed and no stripe erased from its majestic folds.


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