implicitly upon their coöperation in the defense of free institutions in America. This is the reason that we have never tried to rival England's navy. And most of the time relying on her navy we have not even built a fleet capable of protecting the ambitious programme of Monroe from other powers. That is why in spite of fifty years' howling at Britain no man has been found insane enough to agitate the "menace" of the overwhelming naval superiority of the islands. The fact that this British fleet was devoted to liberal government, the one everlasting item without accounting for which no nation or band of nations on earth could even look with lust upon American shores has been so patent that not even a raving Sinn Feiner could hope to make capital against it.

"If I had had a larger fleet I would have taken Uncle Sam by the scruff of the neck." This was the Kaiser's remark at the time of the war with Spain, when his effort to organize Europe against us failed and when the attitude of the British Admiral, Chichester, at Manila Bay showed him that the understanding on which the Monroe Doctrine was based covered free institutions even off the American continent. The Kaiser's effort to gain a foothold in Venezuela in 1902 was blocked by Colonel Roosevelt's now famous ultimatum, and the record of another effort in Haiti in 1914 still lies in the files of our State Department

Pach Bros., N. Y.
PRESIDENT ROOSEVELT IN 1902

When he told the Kaiser's Ambassador in regard to the Venezuelan controversy: "Arbitrate or I will give orders to Dewey within ten days to proceed to Venezuela and see that no bombarding is done," the Kaiser, contrary to his usual rule, arbitrated

This is not a matter of theory or speculation. Time and again it has been put to the test. And on occasion under very hard circumstances. Napoleon III of France seized the opportunity presented by our Cival War to invade Mexico and establish a monarchy there. This was the fifth attempt of autocracy to invade America. He was quite aware that if the Union won the fight he would be driven out. So he moved heaven and earth to get the English to recognize and make common cause with the Confederacy. And the English had many strong motives for doing so. To the Fourth of July orator it is plain as noon that any one sympathizing with Jeff Davis was an enemy of mankind and totally depraved. But in '61 it was not so simple. There were not one, but two Americas. And there still exist citizens of the United States who do not consider Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson as undeserving of sympathy. And across the seas it was not at all patent who was the oppressor and who the oppressed. Moreover, the fact of rebellion, per se, had even thus come to be regarded by

liberal people with toleration, as probably caused by injustice. This is the habitual attitude taken by ourselves. Add to this the natural sympathy and understanding existing between the Cavalier element in Virginia, who had conducted our Government from its origin, and the English aristocracy, and the sufferingentailed in England by the blockade and consequent loss of raw cotton, and a barbarous new tariff enacted by Congress which ruined innumerable great businesses, and it is comprehensible that many motives urged the acceptance of Napoleon's proposition.

The facts just recited are the kind of displays made by the German school. They are trotted out as conclusive exhibits of British hostility. They are just the reverse. They are the most powerful proofs of the strength of the Anglo-Saxon understanding. A man's integrity can only be tested, like a wire in a laboratory, under tension. Devotion to a

vestige of the old colonial system in America, if they could help it. The Queen of Spain was close to the Austrian throne. And the Emperor of Germany had designs of his own in the Caribbean. To fight Spain was one thing. To defy Europe another.

And yet the question was not even discussed. Congress acted as if it didn't exist, as if Von Holleben, ambassador from Germany, and Von Hengelmüller, from Austria, had not urged intervention upon the whole diplomatic corps in Washington -and as if the British Foreign Office was not being besieged by a Prussian messenger literally beseeching permission to flout the Yankee. McKinley and Congress were right. There was nothing to fear. The Kaiser, head of the autocratic family, dared not move in the face of the English stand. He tried the game in a tentative way in Manila Bay. He sent an admiral to fight George Dewey. In all probability Dewey could have kept care of himself. But the German found not only Dewey there. He found Chichester. And not only Chichester, but the British Empire. What we know of the matter can be summarized in the Kaiser's own words: "If I had had a larger fleet I would have taken Uncle Sam by the scruff of the neck." It was the same reasoning that made Napoleon give up his scheme to take over Louisiana. The Kaiser's fleet was large enough to meet the fleet of the United Statesparticularly in view of the fact that he would have been allied not only with Spain, but Austria. The trouble was that "Perfidious Albion" had its battleships pledged to the cause for which Jefferson had hoped we might fight once more with her, side by side.

principle can only be measured by the degree of temptation resisted. When, under these circumstances, Queen Victoria said to her prime minister: "My Lord, you must know that I will sign no paper that means war with the United States," not only was the Union saved from foreign attack and the only foothold absolutism had upon this hemisphere doomed, but the good faith of the British nation had stood the crucial test-had withstood the day of temptation, and our hour of adversity.

Hence it was that William McKinley was free to take whatever he chose with regard to Cuba. He knew at the time, what the whole world has since learned, that the rulers of "Mittel Europa" had no intention of permitting the United States to destroy the last

This same understanding gave such dreadful force to Roosevelt's later demand upon "myself und Gott" to arbitrate in Venezuela. He threatened the Kaiser with Dewey. Whether the Kaiser was afraid of Dewey or not, I do not know. He had reason to be. But his opinion of the fighting abilities of the United States have been very low, and in the light of subsequent events it seems hardly likely that fear of our military prowess operated very strongly upon him. But off Gravesend lay another force. And the Kaiser knew, if the New York American didn't, that it was dedicated to the curtailment of the conquest of America.

This article is an honest analysis of our past adventures with Great Britain in the cause of liberty. I have no intention of passing over the many prolonged and vexing controversies that have embalmed the murky memory of Major Pitcairn and his insults. Cheap and truculent oratory filled with aspersions on "British tyrBritish tyranny" punctuated the settlement of these differences. The Maine boundary dispute: the interminable question of the Newfoundland fisheries; the Oregon debate, "fifty-four forty or fight"; the Alabama claims, the Venezuela arbitration.

But even a bare reading of the actual record reveals that instead of a cause of abuse and rancor, these disagreements have in fact had a result that reflects the greatest possible credit upon both England and America. They have been the means of establishing a spirit of equity and the mutual trust and confidence which renders a conflict between the countries impossible for all time.

Tense as these strained situations were, and high as ran the feeling, they were all settled by arbitration, and, win or lose, both countries stood by the awards. These controversies constitute the origin and development and establishment of the principles of international arbitration. They provided the only tangible steps yet taken in the world for the substitution of justice and reason for the rule of war. And it is worthy of notice, too, that our differences with England have never, since George III failed to restore the royal prerogative, been over the fundamental question of democracy. In this most vital of all issues to the two peoples, since the Revolution as before, we have stood together the great bulwark of liberty in the world.

Y

BY

OU have paid me the compliment of requesting an opinion on the Colonial administration of our Mother Country and to such a request I yield cheerful obedience. But let me warn the reader that an opinion on so vast a theme is dangerous-much like asking a sailor his opinion of the Atlantic or a politician his estimate of the American voter. True I have traveled and studied in almost every British Colony; have visited also many dependencies of France, Spain, Portugal, America and Germany; have made four journeys round the world in search of light on this vexed problem, and yet feel that the best I can do is

to enter the stand as a witness, tell what I saw and let the reader think for himself.

In the year of the Spanish War (1898) Germany proved herself our enemy by sending to Manila Bay a squadron of war ships with orders to intimidate Admiral Dewey and secure from Spain the remnant of her insular possessions in those Far Eastern waters. The sailor of Uncle Sam however, declined to play the part assigned to him by the Kaiser; on the contrary, although much inferior in war strength, he cheerfully stripped for the fight, whereupon Admiral Von Diederich tucked his pennant between his legs and disappeared to Kiao-Chau. To Kiao-Chau I followed him and found a

German colony one year old. It was a colony on the Prussian plan-barracks and batteries -drill ground and goose step. The Chinese population had been forcibly dispossessed to make room for administrative quarters and avenues of Berlin breadth and symmetry. The colony had been conquered by the sword and was held by the sword alone. The natives were compelled to labor at prices fixed by the conqueror; all signs and legal notices were in Gothic type; it was verboten to use any language other than the German tongue. In short, although I was received with civility by the Governor and entertained by the garrison mess, it was clear that this colonial venture was a failure from the start-it was a colony in name but there were no colonists; much military but no merchants; many barracks but no warehouses. For twenty years Kiao-Chau flew the flag of the Hun-twenty years of perpetual pettiness in administration and brutality in the execution of unjust laws. Nothing was omitted that could humiliate the natives of the soil or create Mongolian sympathy with other victims of Prussianization in Poland, Denmark, Alsace-to say nothing of blacks in Africa and Papuans in New Guinea.

Parenthetically permit me to say that I visited every station of German New Guinea after more than a quarter century of Prussian rule and found everywhere struggling replicas of Kiao-Chau-hundreds of notice boards warning the naked natives to keep off the grass -all in the unintelligible script of the conqueror. Every Colonial station was conspicuously recognizable because of the geometrical pattern of its administrative landing stage, its path leading to the Governor's palace, the jail, barracks and drill ground. Everywhere sullen silence amongst the wretched natives and harsh gutturals from the homesick officials of the Fatherland. The jails and barracks were active-all the rest was suggestive of that ominous obedience which precedes the signal of a popular insurrection. To be a German was to be an enemy in every part of the Archipelago-to speak English was to carry a passport honored in every hut.

Without going further for illustration-East or West Africa for instance-let me carry you from this theatre of perpetual punitive expeditions and administrative failure to any territory you may select where the British flag proclaims equal rights or at least fair play for the native.

At Hong-Kong in that same year of the Kiao-Chau visit, Great Britain added a large area as hinterland to that splendid port. This matter I studied with much personal interest because it followed closely on the Russian seizure of Port Arthur and the Prussian conquest of Kiao-Chau-both of which were accomplished as acts of war and as grievous insults to the Chinese Government. Not so in the case of England-not a shot was fired, scarce an angry word exchanged. A quiet young Scotchman, Lockhart by name, who happened to be Colonial Secretary of HongKong and who like the rest of his craft understood Chinese character and speech, made an excursion into the territory about to be annexed. He did not draw his sword-or even lead a military escort. lead a military escort. He went with his life in his hand to talk the matter over with the different heads of districts and villages.

The Chinaman is the most reasonable and intelligent of men. He despises mere brute strength but is quick to appreciate justice and commercial opportunity. And thus it happened here that my quiet friend (now Sir Stewart Lockhart) annexed to the British Empire in a few days and without firing a shot a territory more valuable to the world's commerce than all the colonies of the Kaiser with all their sunken millions and discontented natives.

HONG-KONG THE CONTENTED

From Hong-Kong go thousands of Chinese annually to labor under contract in the mines of the Malay islands; the rubber plantations of Borneo; the tobacco fields of Sumatra or the sugar estates of the West Indies. Indeed, contract laborers sign cheerfully from any Eastern port to any part of the world so long. as they have the word of the British Government that their contract will be honestly enforced against employer no less than employee. You can find in South Africa and the Caribbean no less than in the Eastern tropics British subjects of every color and creed from Bombay or Calcutta; Penang or Singapore; Wei-HaiWei or Hong-Kong cheerfully signing themselves away for a five year labor term in Jamaica or Trinidad; Natal or Demerara. They are confident that the conditions under which they embark will be observed; that the wages mentioned will be punctually paid; that the food will be adequate and the housing according to the sanitary rules; that the labor will be

done under wholesome conditions-in short that after five years of enlistment as a laborer the Chinaman, Hindoo or Kaffir may count upon a return to his home satisfied that the British Commissioner of native labor has paternally watched over his interests and encouraged others to follow in his steps.

No other country of my ken can point to such victories in the field of peaceful colonial conquest as England for the last three quarters of a century. There is no other colonial field of my acquaintance where I would feel safe in walking from end to end with no weapon more destructive than a bamboo cane.

Far be it from me to pretend that the bungling tourist cannot find ample scope for blood curdling adventure and many pages of profitable romance. One has but to outrage the religious practices of Brahmins or Mussulmans to gather material for many thrilling chapters; and if the survivor still yearns for fictional fame he has but to tamper with the women, of a Malay Head Hunter or sneer at the crest of a Samurai of Dai Nippon. But the tame walking stick of my wanderings has little to record. To me the patient observing of animals has more charm than their slaughter; I marvel at my contemporaries who have waded in blood amidst scowling savages where my more. commonplace eyes and ears have been refreshed by native dance and gentle hospitality. In the jungle of German New Guinea where successive administrators with fiercely elevated mustache tips assured me that the natives were hopelessly addicted to ferocious cannibalism I have wandered unarmed and unattended -safe so soon as the native knew that I was not German.

Basutoland has been the habitat of the most warlike of Kaffir tribes and when I visited that country (1896) I found scarce half a dozen Englishmen ruling over a quarter of a million black savages in a country with not a single road, or bridge, or telegraph pole or newspaper -not a single sign of what we call progress save this lonesome but fearless handful of British Colonial administrators who lived in the midst of these turbulent tribesmen with the same unconcern that we have noted in the veteran soldier who is ready at any moment to fall asleep even whilst the artillery is roaring its message of prospective hand to hand battle.

It was Sir Godfrey Lagden who ruled Basutoland twenty years ago. He is now retired, but Basutoland continues prosperous and quiet

because the system of the Mother country brings forward an abundance of men qualified for just such unobtrusive tasks. In my lifetime no shot has been fired in anger throughout that territory and to-day, should any chief dare to prove insubordinate, there is no punishment that would be more keenly felt by the nation at large than the mere threat, on the part of the British Governor, that he would pack up and abandon them. Such administrative rule as this calls for men who are not tied up with red tape, who have infinite good sense, and no fear of death.

Germany had a most efficient system, but it did not work. England has had no very distinct system, but it has worked admirably. Of the many causes which have procured this result perhaps the most important is the broad fact that men for the Colonial service are carefully selected; that they are handsomely paid; that they are trusted; that they are promoted without any regard to politicians and that after a certain number of years devoted to their country they may retire on an adequate pension. The practical effect of this system is to create a body of administrators whom the natives trust. All men respect truth and courage. Small wonder then that a simple sport loving Briton can rule millions of Hindoos by merely a hint to their Rajah who bows before that hint because he knows it is the hint of an official who speaks true and cannot take a bribe.

In the days of the old Sultan of Brunei I visited that sanguinary potentate's capital which lies between Sarawak and British North Borneo and is inhabited by head hunting Malays very expert in predatory warfare. In this most lonesome quarter of our globe I met (1906) a clear eyed sport loving young Briton who had a bungalow and a war canoe andapparently nothing to do but look indifferent and wait for the moment when some Dyak should run amuk in his path. He was the only white man in the Sultan's savagery save a few traders who came for cocoanut fibre. He told me that he had no authority-was simply sent there to look about-that he belonged in the Colonial service at Singapore.

WHAT YOUNG MCARTHUR DID

This was all true; but what he did not say and what I learned from other lips was that whenever his Sultanic and Satanic majesty was guilty of some project needlessly