of the colonizing powers. If she thoroughly civilizes the territory she now controls, if she establishes education, liberty, and an honest government within her own domains, in other words, if she thoroughly cultivates her own farm, she will have accomplished more than is to be expected of her within the next century.

Russia teaches the lesson that no nation should expand for the sake of expansion. Enlargement should be a growth, not an accretion. There can be no permanent extension of dominion without the promotion of civilization which is also justice, and without the one the other is impossible.

II. THE GERMAN PEOPLE

The German people need no eulogy from me. In South America the beacon light of progress is carried by the German, and the rays of hope, feeble and flickering though they be, are reflected from his helmet. His wife and children are civilized people; upon his table is food that a civilized stomach can digest; in his library are books which treat of subjects other than murder, intrigue, rapine, and bloodshed. When a white man arrives at the home of a German in South America, it is like finding a spring of cool, fresh water in a desert of alkali.

The German colonies in Brazil, as in Wisconsin, are quiet and peaceful abodes of honest, hard-working people, - men who are using ploughs in a land where others use only machetes, men who are honestly supporting their families by the sweat of their brows where others think only of gaining money by intrigues.

Other immigrants have come to the United States for the purpose of getting jobs on the police force or running for aldermen, but with the German it is otherwise. He has gone into business, into mining, into manufacturing, into commerce, and, above all, into agriculture. The German is essentially a tax-payer and not a tax-consumer; he produces wealth by creative industry rather than accumulates it by laying tribute on the industry of others.

There is less crime, fewer criminals, fewer tramps, fewer vagabonds, among the German immigrants to the United States than among the immigrants of any other nationality.

But if this be true of the German immigrants to the United States it is doubly true of those who have gone to South America. The latter are not from the common class of the people, but are usually business men of the highest standing, - men of capital and unbounded enterprise.

That these men have patiently endured the outrages heaped upon them under cover of the Monroe Doctrine, that they are still the best friends which Americans have in South America, that they almost unanimously desire to see the American flag fly over those coun

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tries, shows that they are practical men of foresight and breadth of intellect.

The splendid work of the German Americans for the preservation of the Union must be recalled with gratitude by every one who loves "Old Glory." No one can read the history of that conflict without realizing how profound is the obligation which freedom is under to these sturdy descendants of the old Teutons. Nor can the Germans be regarded as our rivals in any other than a friendly sense of the term. They are pioneers of commerce. They hew the way into the great wilderness of barbarism, and the American comes after them - - with the railroads and the automobiles.

German capital, German industry, German honesty, German patriotism, are part and parcel of the life of this Great Republic, and the mighty army of German-American citizens have not only accumulated immeasurable fortunes in our country, but they would, almost to a man, fight for the old flag into the last ditch - even against Germany itself, if that were necessary. Talk of war between Germany and the United States on any pretext whatever, and particularly the Monroe Doctrine, is the talk of irresponsible lunatics.

The "white man's burden"- the final civilization of the world -rests especially upon the shoulders of the United States, England, and Germany. Anything which diverts the attention or energy of one of these nations from this supreme question would only delay the final consummation. This world must be a civilized man's world, and the overwhelming proportion of the responsibility for making it such will devolve upon the Anglo-Saxon and Teutonic branch of the white race.

That colossal spectre of insanity - a possible war over the Monroe Doctrine - should be dismissed, and in its place there should come the most fraternal co-operation between the three great responsible powers, a trinity based upon the one doctrine that this is a civilized man's world.

III. GERMAN COLONIES AND DEPENDENCIES

The colonial extension of the German Empire is a matter of recent development, covering a period of only twenty years. It must be confessed that for the brief period of time in which Germany has been actively extending her possessions the net results to date ought to be highly flattering to her statesmen.

Germany proper, comprising twenty-five States and the Reichsland of Alsace-Lorraine, covers 208,830 square miles, with a total population of 56,367,178, according to the returns for 1900.

Her colonies, according to the Statesman's Year Book (1902), are as given in the table on page 531. But no mere enumeration of territorial possessions can convey any adequate idea of the

marvellous energy which Germany has exerted within recent years in the direction of imperial expansion. More extraordinary still is the progress being made by Germany in the far East, an advance greater than that of Russia. Senator Albert J. Beveridge mentions, in "The Russian Advance," the great German houses in Port Arthur, Vladivostock, Canton, Tien-Tsin, Shanghai,— how these are controlling the transportation and banking business, and adds:

"Every German man and woman in the Orient is imperial in bearing, manner, and purpose. Their veins seem to be filled with the winelike blood of German supremacy. Every officer, every diplomat, every consul is the German Emperor in miniature. 'I tell you frankly,' said a resident of TienTsin, and one of the best informed foreigners in China, - 'I tell you frankly, whatever the newspapers may say, and whatever the diplomatic phrases may be, the real, substantial powers here are Germany and Russia. The German's bearing of insolent superiority, with the constant reminder that the mailed hand is back of every demand, impresses the Chinaman far more than it angers him, for he respects nothing so much as power.' When he said that, he gave the key which, in the opinion of Germans, Russians, and English,

unlocks the secrets of the Oriental heart. It was not a discovery. It was merely saying once again what most foreign students of Asiatic peoples have said since the very beginning of Oriental investigation by modern peoples."

That the work of the Germans in Asia, as in South America, is of untold worth to civilization, is indicated in the further remarks of the distinguished observer above quoted:

"No one in Shan-Tung province ever heard of a period of such prosperity, of a time of such good wages in that vicinity, as the inhabitants of Kiaochow and the surrounding country have enjoyed since the German came among them, for he came, not with his musket alone, not equipped with the bayonet, sword, and cannon only, but, as with the Russian in Manchuria, he came with spade and adze and plane and saw, and all the building implements of peace. He has promised himself that he will reproduce England's miracles at Hong Kong in Germany's miracle at Kiaochow. (In less than fifty years a barren rock, rising from the water, with a few huts of starving Chinese fishermen, clinging like crabs to its base, has been transformed into one of the greatest ports and one of the most beautiful cities in the world. Such has been the Englishman's work in Hong Kong; and be it remembered, too, that when the work began, and while it was in progress, it was denounced by English statesmen in Parliament and its failure predicted by economists of almost every other nation.)

"In her Kiaochow concessions Germany has erected modern buildings, modern storehouses, modern everything. Perhaps the best hotel (but two) in the Orient, the Prince Heinrich Hotel, stands where filthy hovels made of a paste of disease and mud, housed wretched Chinamen less than eight years ago. The railroad runs around the bay of Kiaochow itself. The sandy hills are being reclaimed with forests planted by the hands of scientific foresters from the Fatherland. A work of beauty, of cleanliness, of system, of industry, is being wrought by the determined Teuton at this forbidding and unwelcome gateway to a province whose twenty millions of inhabitants are yet to be told of the great world outside, and yet to be brought into human, civilizing, saving contact with their brother human beings. Meanwhile, slowly, and yet quite as rapidly as the yellow hands can do the work, the iron and steel nerves of the railway creep into the interior towards the mountains."

Such, in brief, are some of the practical results of the currents flowing through German national life. What is to be the future of this mighty, virile, intellectual people one not gifted with prophetic powers would hesitate to predict; but that the future holds promise of a career of imperial glory, rivalled only by that of the United States and Great Britain, seems certain. The solid, dogged stability and solidity of the German, his strict discipline, industrial as well as military, the practical and technical nature of his education, his daring, enterprise, and phlegmatic patience, and, above all, his freedom from the baneful influence of impractical theories regarding the alleged political rights of these semi-barbarous peoples, make him peculiarly fitted for carrying the banner of civilization into the countries where darkness now reigns.

T

CHAPTER IV

GROWTH OF THE UNITED STATES

HE opinion is widely prevalent that in the annexation of Puerto Rico and the Philippines the United States had made a wide departure from its traditional policy. The acrimonious discussion to which this gave rise was calculated to cause the impression in the minds of the uninformed that an entirely new precedent had been established, a new policy adopted contrary to the spirit of our institutions, and that we were entering upon an experiment fraught with danger to the principles of democracy.

Mr. Bryan, with all his dramatic power, quoted from the Bible, "Thou shalt not forsake the landmarks of thy fathers." The cry was taken up by a great political party, and we might have supposed that the fathers had established definite bounds to the territory of the United States which should remain forever unalterable.

A very cursory investigation into the history of our country should have convinced these patriots that the fathers did nothing of the kind. Rather, the fathers instituted a policy of expansion which we have by no means kept up, and those who glory in the power of the United States, and hope to see it increase, may well accept in its literalness the text quoted by Mr. Bryan, and cite it as authority in favor of their desire to see the flag over South America as well as over North America.

The first great step in the enlargement of our territory was made at the termination of the War of Independence and before signing the treaty of peace with England. This may be regarded as a triumph of diplomacy for which the American Commission, consisting of John Jay, Benjamin Franklin, John Adams, and Henry Laurens, deserve the lasting gratitude of their countrymen. In 1782, at the close of the Revolution, they were named to meet the representatives of England in Paris, and one of the first questions to be determined was the amount of territory which we should receive. As France had been our ally, the American Commissioners were instructed to consult with the French government and be guided by its wishes. Our Commissioners felt that the new States were entitled to all the territory granted to the colonies originally, extending west of the Alleghany Mountains. The French government was adverse to this claim, and its representative, Count de Vergennes, proposed that the western boundary should