and their marines drawn up in battle array, in full sight of the provisional army, which was likewise drawn up on the shore, with its cannon trained upon the ship.

If there was ever a United States minister in a delicate situation it was Mr. Willis at this moment. For the United States navy, the United States army, the American people, practically every decent American citizen familiar with the facts in the case, were against Mr. Cleveland's policy. No doubt Minister Willis was more disgusted than any one else at the shameful part he had to play, and it soon became evident that even if he should be compelled to order the war-ships to attack the provisional government, they would refuse to do so. Indeed, the naval officers from the two war-ships went privately to President Dole and told him that they and the men sympathized with his government; that they would not attack him even though they were ordered to do so; and that if their boats with marines should put out from the ships, under orders to attack them, the Hawaiians should fire a volley over their heads, and that they would then turn back and abandon their purpose.

The blind obstinacy of President Cleveland could not carry him much further against the now thoroughly aroused public sentiment of the people of the United States and of the world, and had he actually attempted to replace the ex-Queen by force, with the frightful bloodshed which that would have entailed, the indignation of our people would have been so great that it would have inevitably led to his impeachment. As it was, he acknowledged himself powerless to deal with the situation, and turned it over to Congress, which never attempted to interfere with the government of Sanford B. Dole.

Soon after William McKinley became President, another annexation treaty was submitted to the Senate, which failed to receive the necessary two-thirds vote, although the majority favored it. A joint resolution of Congress was therefore passed, annexing the Hawaiian Islands, in the same manner as was done in the case of Texas. This was passed July 6, 1897, and on August 12 the official transfer was made, the American flag raised over Hawaii a second time. Hawaii became an organized territory of the United States in April, 1900, and is now governed under the Constitution with the other Territories.

VIII

Mr. Whitelaw Reid bears the same relation to the Philippine Islands that John Jay does to the territory west of the Alleghany Mountains in the treaty of Independence. At the end of the SpanishAmerican War neither President McKinley nor any one else in the administration appeared to have formulated a definite policy with reference to those islands. By the protocol signed August 12, 1898, through the mediation of the French government, providing for an

armistice and the negotiation of a permanent treaty of peace, Spain agreed to relinquish her sovereignty over Cuba, and to cede Porto Rico, all other Spanish West Indies islands, and one of the Ladrones, to the United States. It was further provided that the treaty of peace should "determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philippines."

William R. Day, Cushman K. Davis, William P. Frye, Whitelaw Reid, and George Gray were the five American Commissioners appointed to negotiate a treaty of peace with Spain, the sessions commencing in Paris on October 1, 1898.

These Commissioners received no binding instructions from the President with reference to the Philippines, but he left the matter largely to their judgment. There was a marked division of opinion among the Commissioners themselves, as, indeed, there was among the whole American people, as to the proper policy to pursue. Messrs. Day and Gray were in favor of entire withdrawal from the Philippines, leaving them to Spain or to their fate. Messrs. Frye and Davis were opposed to entire withdrawal, but would have been satisfied with a part of the archipelago, giving the United States ample naval stations and commercial guarantees. But as in every critical period of our history some one man has risen up above all the rest, so at this juncture a patriotic American, with the requisite breadth of vision and intellectual power, stood out unhesitatingly and determinedly in favor of the annexation of the entire archipelago. Whitelaw Reid, editor of the New York "Tribune," is the distinguished publicist whom Americans thank and honor for this piece of far-sighted statesmanship. Mr. Reid had no great difficulty in converting Messrs. Davis and Frye to his views, and they seconded him admirably, but Messrs. Gray and Day were more reluctant. In the end, however, they too loyally supported Mr. Reid, especially after they heard the testimony of General Merritt, of the United States army, who arrived in Paris about that time from the Philippines, and who gave the Commissioners much valuable information as to the great natural wealth of the islands and as to the political and social conditions. The government at Washington approved this decision of the Commissioners, but the Spanish Commissioners protested violently against surrendering the Philippines, declaring that it was not a part of the protocol, and that Spain had never considered giving up her sovereignty over them. By every subterfuge known to diplomacy, and by the offer to submit the interpretation of the protocol to arbitration, they endeavored to hold their grasp on the islands. On November 21 the American Commissioners presented what amounted to an ultimatum to the effect that Spain should cede all the Philippines to the United States, and that the latter should pay $20,000,000 to Spain, and for ten years should give her equal commercial rights in the Philippines with ourselves. After many "Carambas" the Spanish

Commission agreed, and the treaty was signed on December 10. It was ratified by the United States Senate on February 6, and signed by the Queen regent of Spain on March 17. This treaty gave to us Porto Rico and the other islands mentioned in the protocol.

The following table, which I copy from Mr. O. P. Austin's "Steps in the Expansion of our Territory," exhibits this growth in historical order:

ADDITIONS TO THE TERRITORY OF THE UNITED STATES FROM 1800 TO 1900

CHAPTER V

ATTITUDE OF THE UNITED STATES TOWARDS CUBA, THE ISLE OF PINES, AND THE PHILIPPINES

C

UBA has been a source of unending uneasiness to us for a century. As far back as 1823 John Quincy Adams had favored the idea of Cuban annexation, and the world had been informed that we could not permit Cuba to become the colony of any other power than Spain; that we claimed a reversionary title to the island, and that should it ever pass out of Spain's possession, it must gravitate to us.

John Quincy Adams' letter, written to the American minister at Madrid, said at a time when war was impending between France and Spain:

"Whatever may be the issue of this war, it may be taken for granted that the dominion of Spain upon the American Continents, North and South, is irrevocably gone. But the islands of Cuba and Porto Rico still remain nominally and so far really dependent upon her that she yet possesses the power of transferring her own dominion over them, together with the possession of them, to others. These islands are natural appendages to the North American Continent, and one of them, almost in sight of our shores, from a multitude of considerations has become an object of transcendent importance to the commercial and political interests of our Union. Its commanding position with reference to the Gulf of Mexico and the West Indian seas; its situation midway between our Southern Coast and the Island of San Domingo; its safe and capacious harbor of the Havana, fronting a long line of our shores destitute of the same advantages; the nature of its productions and of its wants, furnishing the supplies and needing the returns of a commerce immensely profitable and mutually beneficial, give it an importance in the sum of our national interests with which that of no other foreign territory can be compared, and little inferior to that which binds the different members of this Union together. Such, indeed, are, between the interests of that island and of this country, the geographical, commercial, moral, and political relations formed by nature, gathering in the process of time, and even now verging to maturity, that in looking forward to the probable course of events for the short period of half a century it is scarcely possible to resist the conviction that the annexation of Cuba to our Federal Republic will be indispensable to the continuance of the integrity of the Union itself. . . . There are laws of political as well as of physical gravitation, and if an apple, severed by the tempest from its native tree, cannot choose but to fall to the ground, Cuba,

forcibly disjointed from its own unnatural connection with Spain and incapable of self-support, can gravitate only towards the North American Union, which, by the same law of nature, cannot cast her off from her bosom. The transfer of Cuba to Great Britain would be an event unpropitious to the interests of this Union. . . . The question both of our right and of our power to prevent it, if necessary, by force, already obtrudes itself upon our councils, and the Administration is called upon, in the performance of its duties to the nation, at least to use all the means within its competency to guard against and forefend it."

From 1823 to 1898 there was an almost unbroken succession of scandals, outrages, and disturbances in Cuba, to the great detriment of our interests and of the world. From 1868 to 1878 there was continual war in the islands, and in 1895 another revolution broke out, which in its barbaric atrocity on both sides is almost without parallel. Finally, in April, 1898, President McKinley asked authority from Congress to intervene and put an end to the horrors existing in Cuba, two months after our war-ship Maine, which had been lying in the harbor of Havana, had been treacherously destroyed with a loss of about three hundred officers and men. Congress at once acceded to his request. The joint resolution of Congress recognized the independence of the people of Cuba, demanded that the government of Spain relinquish its authority and withdraw its naval and military forces from the island, and directed the President to use the land and naval forces of the United States for the purpose of carrying the resolutions into effect.

In these resolutions Congress declared: "That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction, or control, over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination, when that is accomplished, to leave the government and control of the island to its people." This resolution has been religiously respected by the United States government.

After the signing of the protocol with Spain the United States continued in military occupation of the Island of Cuba until 1902, General Leonard Wood being Governor. Under the able administration of General Wood order was rapidly brought out of chaos. Excellent sanitary measures were adopted, and Cuba enjoyed peace and prosperity.

Before surrendering control of the island to the local government, which had been elected by the people of Cuba, Mr. T. Estrada Palma being chosen President, the United States Congress passed a law known as the "Platt Amendment," to define our relations to Cuba. This law was incorporated into the Cuban Constitution. It is as follows:

"That in fulfilment of the declaration contained in the joint resolution approved April twentieth, eighteen hundred and ninety-eight, entitled ‘For