While other lines of productive industry show no such percentage of increase, there has been a general improvement. Among the causes of this improvement there may be noted the immigration of a considerable number of American settlers who have bought land, usually in comparatively small tracts, and in a majority of cases for the production of fruit and vegetables. It is estimated that, prior to the last revolution, there had been American investment in the Island to the amount of, approximately, $50,000,000. Estimates of investment during the period of intervention increase this to about $80,000,000. Later investment will not materially increase this amount, as most of the purchases have been on a comparatively small scale. The general condition of the market has offered no inducement to investors in sugar land and new mills, a line calling for investment on considerable scale. No data are available for quotation, but it is doubtful if more than a few millions of dollars have been placed in Cuba since the American withdrawal.

Viewing her economic situation broadly, while it cannot be said that Cuba has yet touched that prosperity which is rightfully hers by reason of her soil and climate, there has been marked improvement in her condition, and a notable brightening of her prospects for the future.

In his annual report for 1901, Mr. Root, then Secretary of War, made use of the following expression: "The same considerations which led to the war with Spain now require that a commercial arrangement be made under which Cuba can live." In his message to Congress, in December, 1901,

President Roosevelt said: "In the case of Cuba, there are weighty reasons of morality and of national interest why the policy (of reciprocity) should be held to have a peculiar application, and I most earnestly ask your attention to the wisdom, indeed to the vital need, of providing for a substantial reduction in the tariff duties on Cuban imports into the United States." Notwithstanding this vigorous attitude of the administration, the Fifty-seventh Congress failed to take action in the matter of either concessions or reciprocity. This incident has been reviewed elsewhere.

But the agitation for special commercial relations with Cuba persisted, and President Roosevelt did not abandon a cause to which he had definitely committed himself. A treaty was drafted during the winter of 1902-3, and was duly ratified by both countries. But the measure was modified by the introduction of a clause which provided that the treaty should not take effect until "approved by Congress." The necessary approval was not given during the session. During the ensuing months, Mr. Roosevelt decided to call an extra session for the sole purpose of dealing with the suspended treaty. The call was issued, Congress convened, and, on November 10, listened to the reading of a special message urging legislation which should give effect to the Cuban treaty. The result was tersely summarized in a despatch sent by the Washington correspondent of the New York Herald, on December 16, and published in that paper on the following day. It said:

"After two years of almost constant struggle and persistent effort on the part of President Roosevelt and his administration, and, at the last moment, the lashing of the party whip on the eve of a national election, Cuba gets her small meed of justice.

"The bill putting into effect the reciprocity treaty which was

passed by the House during the extraordinary session was finally passed by the Senate this afternoon by a vote of 57 to 18."

The treaty became effective at midnight of Dec. 27, 1903. Anticipating, as a result of the treaty, an injurious curtailment of national revenue, Cuba's Congress was at that time considering an increase in her tariff rates, and, on Jan. 12, 1904, a bill was passed authorizing the Cuban President to raise the duties by an amount not exceeding thirty per cent of the existing rates. A decree in accordance with this act was promulgated on February 5, and became operative on February 8. While Cuba had every possible right to take such a step, and was entirely justified in doing so, the action encountered a considerable criticism from an American group which was evidently disposed to a belief that Cuba was morally bound to give attention to American interests even in preference to her own. As a matter of fact, the tariff increase gave additional advantages to the United States.

During 1903, the "Naval Stations Treaty," provided for in the Platt Amendment, was concluded, and the United States proceeded to occupy bases at Guantanamo, on the southeast coast, and Bahia Honda, on the northwest coast. Almost on the eve of its conclusion, a treaty regarding the Isle of Pines, by which the island was recognized as Cuban territory, was suspended for further investigation and consideration. Various minor treaties, of a routine nature were concluded during 1903 and 1904.

I have thus sketched, as briefly as it seemed possible to do, an era fraught with momentous importance to the people of Cuba. It was also a time of no insignificant meaning to the United States. That mistakes were made, and that friction arose from time to time, was inevitable. But the good that was done will live, while the ills and evils will be dissipated and forgotten. Cuba is our near neighbor, and

the people of the Island and those of the mainland will be drawn into even closer relations of personal and commercial friendship with the passing years. Cuba is now our ward, our protégé. The day may come, it is my belief that it will come, when Cuba will become politically merged under the flag of the United States. If asked to say when I look for that event, I reply with the familiar Spanish phrase Quien Sabe?

But whether that day comes soon or late, no right-thinking American can do otherwise than wish the new Republic, toward whose establishment the United States has contributed so largely, long life and prosperity in endless measure. Salut, Señores, y Adios.