mained in session until the signing of the treaty on December 10. The discussion included many points of great importance, and involved many minor issues which arose as incidents in the main discussion. One of the questions raised in the early days of the conference was in regard to the technical meaning of the word “relinquish” as used in Article I of the protocol. This was held to affect the future of the Island. Word splitting is a frequent and a favorite practice with Spanish officials, and the point was raised that if Spain "relinquished" Cuba she thereby transferred her rights and powers in the Island to the United States, to be held in trust for transference at the proper time to the Cuban people. On the other hand, if the term was used in the sense that her withdrawal from Cuba implied an abandonment by which the Island became a political derelict and a possible prey to the first comer who might seize and hold it, Spain's consent to such an arrangement could not be granted. The issue was determined by the American assurance that the relinquishment involved a temporary American trusteeship of the Cuban Government along the line of the declaration of the Joint Resolution.

Another and a far more important issue concerned the matter of the so-called Cuban debt. This involved a sum of several hundred million dollars, the larger part of which represented obligations incurred by Spain in the course of her efforts to suppress Cuban insurrections. These obligations Spain charged to the insular account, and the interest upon them was paid out of the insular revenues. The contention of the Spanish Commissioners was that the cession and relinquishment of sovereignty included the cession and relinquishment of its obligations as well as the rights pertaining to it. The American Commissioners denied that the so-called Cuban debt constituted a valid

obligation. They said that "To the American Commissioners this appears to be not a proposition to 'relinquish all claim of sovereignty over and title to Cuba,' but in effect a proposition to 'transfer' to the United States and in turn to Cuba a mass of charges and obligations which, in the opinion of the American Commissioners, properly belonged to Spain." Their point was more definitely stated in the Annex to Protocol No. 5. "From no point of view can the debts above described be considered as local debts of Cuba, or as debts incurred for the benefit of Cuba. They are debts created by the Government of Spain, for its own purposes and through its own agents, in whose creation Cuba had no voice."

While the discussion of this issue was in progress, Commissioner Day sent the following cablegram to President McKinley:

"At conference yesterday we again informed Spanish Commissioners that United States would not subdivide so-called Cuban debt. Spanish Commissioners then intimated they were willing to meet American Commissioners as to relinquishment of sovereignty over Cuba, if some responsibility for such debt was acknowledged. We insisted upon our position and finally asked whether they would refuse to sign any articles unless such acknowledgment was made. To this question the Spanish Commissioners asked time for reply. Would you approve an article in treaty which should provide that the United States, while not contracting any independent liability of its own, would use its good offices with any people or government possessing sovereignty in Cuba for acknowledgment of any debts incurred by Spain for existing internal improvements of a pacific character in the islands, a mixed commission to be appointed to ascertain whether any such debts exist, and if so, their amount? This would be a precedent for Porto Rico, Guam, and Philippine Islands. Commission may feel inclined to make this concession on strength of precedents and state

ments of publicists as to passing of local debts or debts incurred specially for benefits of transferred territory."

To this Secretary Hay sent answer:

"Answering your No. 15, the President directs me to say that under no circumstances will the Government of the United States assume any part of what is known as the Cuban debt, which is fully described in the memorandum of the American Commissioners marked "E" received this morning, nor would the United States engage to use its good offices to induce any government hereafter to be established in Cuba to assume such debt. It is not believed that there are any debts outstanding incurred by Spain for existing improvements of a pacific character. It should be made clear what is meant by such improvements and what is included. The President regards it as most desirable that in the present negotiations you should adhere strictly to the terms of the protocol. If this proves impossible you will ascertain as definitely as you can the exact meaning of their suggestions as to local Cuban debt and the evidences thereof, and report to the President with your recommendations."

While these were the essential features of the discussion, so far as Cuba was concerned, all minor issues were duly considered. The treaty was signed by the commissioners on Dec. 10, 1898; signed by the President and ratified by the Senate, on Feb. 6, 1899; signed by the Queen Regent on March 19, and proclaimed on April 11. The SpanishAmerican war, in its direct operations, definitely terminated on the anniversary of the issuance of President McKinley's war message.

CHAPTER VI

CONDITIONS ON JAN. 1, 1899

AMERICAN authority was established in the eastern end of the Island in July, 1898. During the closing months of the year, much was accomplished in the way of reconstruction and establishment along special lines. Two forces contributed to this end. The influence of one of these has been emphasized in official and newspaper reports, with an undue minimizing or ignoring of the other which was quite as potent and equally important. The distribution of American troops throughout the district did much for the restoration of law and order. The personal advice and aid of local commanders were of vast importance in the adjustment of the chaotic conditions which prevailed. Too much cannot be said in commendation of the individual efforts of officers of the American army. Too little has been said regarding the contributory work of the Cubans themselves. As it became possible for them to do so, these people returned to the site of their former homes, and, as best they could, took up the round of quiet and peaceful life. Thousands of them were utterly destitute, without a roof to cover them; without food to eat; and without cattle or farming tools with which to produce the necessary sustenance for themselves and their families.

The American people were greatly interested in knowing what was being done by their representatives They were little or not at all interested in what the Cubans were

doing for themselves. This neglect of the Cuban end of the question did much to establish an opinion that the Cubans did nothing, and were incapable of doing anything, in their own behalf. For a time, the distribution of food supplies was imperative, and this was done with a liberal hand. Paid employment was furnished to many in general repairs and some new construction, in the department of sanitation and street cleaning, and in the various processes of municipal administration. As the conditions established by the presence of the military forces made it possible, operations were resumed on the wrecked plantations, and the suspended mining enterprises were set in motion by the mine owners. Gradually and steadily the life of the section resumed its normal conditions, and the 1st of January, 1899, saw a large part of the people of Cuba's eastern province orderly, peaceable, and self-maintaining. For this, credit is due to both officers and men of the American army. But credit is also due, though rarely given, to those who were so largely left to work out, with such feeble resources as they possessed, their own economic salvation.

The condition of the larger portion of the Island at the time of the American occupation, on Jan. 1, 1899, was not dissimilar to that of Santiago six months earlier. Nominally, until 12 o'clock, noon, of that date, Spanish authority continued. But the duties of government were either neglected or were performed in a wholly perfunctory manner. Many, probably most of the various municipal and provincial authorities, being Spaniards or of Spanish affiliation, had resigned or deserted their positions. Their power was gone, and it was useless to maintain the semblance of it. There was also a feeling of personal insecurity and a fear of Cuban reprisals.

On Nov. 26, 1898, Gen. Ramon Blanco resigned his post