combat before he could make good his assumption of the title of Chess Champion. This was then my opinion, but it was for the time being entirely overthrown by the result of the match Tarrasch-Tchigorine. Tarrasch only drew. Honestly speaking, therefore, Lasker, who defeated Steinitz, who defeated Tchigorine, who drew with Tarrasch, had undoubtedly the right to say that by this cross test he had proved himself superior to Tarrasch. An event, however, occurred last month which is bound to modify this opinion considerably. A match of seven games up was played between the Tournament Champion and Walbrodt at Nürnberg, and the result was a remarkable victory. Tarrasch won seven right off, only drawing one game. Even though Walbrodt was a much overrated player, yet he is undeniably strong, and the ratio of success of the doctor is most remarkable. Moreover, the games were cf the very highest order-subtle, deep, sound, and enterprising, and in several instances the play of the winner was much finer than in his match with Tchigorine. As the victor has to some extent rehabilitated himself, the question arises once more, who is the best player-Lasker or Tarrasch? SOLUTION OF PROBLEM No. 13. BY F. Möller. I Kt-K B6, K—K2. 2 Kt-B6 (ch), Kx Kt. 3 B-K5 3 Kt-B6 K-B4. 3 Kt (K5) Q7,, K-B4. 2 Kt-K4 (ch), K—Q5. 3 Kt—B6 The New Review. TH No. 65.-OCTOBER, 1894. IRELAND AND THE GOVERNMENT. HE Liberal Government stands firmly pledged to Ireland. More than that, Liberal Great Britain stands firmly pledged to Ireland. The Liberalism of Great Britain has guaranteed to Ireland Home Rule and a completed Land Bill, unless—and this only refers to the latter of the two promised measures-unless it should prove more desirable on both sides that the completion of the Land legislation should be handed over to an Irish Parliament in Dublin. This, of course, would not apply to legislation for the Evicted Tenants. The Evicted Tenants cannot wait for Home Rule. "Live, horse— the proverb is something musty," as Hamlet says. Let us clear the position, then, by saying that English Liberalism is absolutely pledged to Home Rule. This pledge is independent, positively independent, of any course that an Irish Parliamentary Party may take. If an Irish Parliamentary Party were to break with the Liberal Government over some question concerning the Evicted Tenants, or the controversy about Education, no such quarrel would entitle Government to say: "Go to, you have offended us, and you shall not have Home Rule," or even, "Go to, you have not shown yourselves fitting representatives of your people in our eyes, and therefore we shall not trouble ourselves to get Home Rule for your people." I have not the remotest fear that any dividing controversy of the kind between the Irish Party and the Liberal Government is likely to break out; but I wish to point to the actual nature of the pledge. The Government has declared in principle, the Liberal majority have declared on principle and on a division, that Irish Home Rule is good for Great Britain and for the Empire, as well as for Ireland. Therefore, Home Rule for Ireland is now, so far as Liberals are concerned, a measure of imperial policy. Vol. XI.-No. 65. I should say that I have never seen in any Liberals with whom I am acquainted the slightest evidence of a disposition to draw back from that policy, or even to water it down. I have never seen in any Irish Nationalists with whom I am acquainted the slightest evidence of any feeling of distrust towards the Liberal Government or the Liberal Party so far as regards the policy of Home Rule: so certain chafing must now and then be the accompaniment of any alliance between forces of different nationalities. We have all read of the Piedmontese officers breaking their swords on the marble tables of the cafés in Milan when it was reported that the Emperor of the French was inclined to enter into terms of compromise with the Emperor of Austria. There was some disposition towards a shivering of blades. among the Irish Nationalist allies of the Government towards the close of the last Session. The Irish Nationalists believed that the Government had not acted firmly enough in public condemnation of the obstructive course taken by the House of Lords. There was a great deal to be said for the Irish Nationalist view. The House of Lords had come twice, in two succeeding sessions, between the Irish people. and their dearest hopes. The last speech delivered by Mr. Gladstone in the House of Commons solemnly warned that House, and the people. outside it, that a great struggle was coming on-was at hand-between the hereditary legislators and the country. That was before the rejection of the Evicted Tenants' Arbitration Bill. Yet even with the inspiration of that warning, and of the subsequent defiance flung out by the House of Lords, the Government made no protest in the House of Commons. It is impossible to suppose that the Irish Nationalist members could have remained contented with such a policy of inaction. They could not but have been disconcerted, dispirited, disappointed. It looked a matter of life or death with them. The people of Ireland had hung on with absolute faith to the Liberal Government and the Liberal Party. They were quite willing that Home Rule should be put off for a Session or two, in order that something should be done meanwhile for England, Scotland, and Wales. After all their disappointments and disillusionings, the Irish people still remain a trusting, a hopeful, and a practical people. They were quite ready to put faith in their English allies; they were, and they are, full of faith in Mr. Gladstone. Even after Mr. Gladstone went out of office they still were willing to give their faith to his successors. They were willing to do this, although-let the blunt truth be spoken-not many members of the new Cabinet had shown themselves in great and open sympathy with the cause of Home Rule. Mr. Morley the Irish people knew, and Mr. Shaw Lefevre, but they did not know Lord Rosebery, and Lord Rosebery's opening declarations about Home Rule and the predominant party were rather unlucky. For all the humour and the high spirits of the Irish people, there is a deep mood of seriousness in them; and the general feeling among them was that Lord Rosebery's joke came rather at the wrong time. Then it was well known that Mr. Asquith was one of the most rising men in the new administration: and on some of the few occasions when Mr. Asquith had to deal with a question of popular interest to Irishmen he had put on the manner of one whose mood it was to be as hard as nails. "Your eyes drop mill-stones when fools' eyes drop tears. I like you, lads," says Shakespeare's Richard the Third. Mr. Asquith, when answering to the plea for the release of certain Irish political prisoners, tried to exhibit himself as one whose eyes drop mill-stones when fools' eyes drop tears. He seemed to assume that the whole plea was for mercy to men admittedly guilty of dynamite conspiracy, whereas the argument was that the men had not been guilty of any such conspiracy. Mr. Asquith's final decision may have been right, but it had what Charles Mathews would have called a wrong way of being in the right. At all events, there was nothing about Mr. Asquith that had any fascination for the popular mind of Ireland. Then, again, Mr. Acland, by virtue of his office, was brought into constant touch with some of the difficulties which beset the Imperial system of national education in Ireland. Now why, it may be asked, do I bring up all these personal and administrative questions? Why do I call attention to the fact that this or that member of the Liberal Government was, for one reason or another, not altogether popular with the Irish people? I make answer-I do so only to emphasise the truth that, nevertheless, the Irish people gave a loyal welcome-a quite loyal and generous welcome to the Government of Lord Rosebery—it was taken for granted that a Bill would be brought in brought in to deal with the reinstatement of the evicted tenants. The Tory papers and the Unionist papers in this island and in Ireland cried out in unison that the Government had no sober intentions. of bringing in any such Bill. The Irish Nationalist Party, and, through them, the Irish people, believed that the Government |