equally to Orange and to Catholic Associations, and the adversaries of both will be conciliated." Let not that little letter s, however, deceive a single person. Whatever affectation there may be of holding the balance even between the Catholic and the Orange Associations, it will be only a nominal equity. It will be like one of those "subtile equities" so well known in the court, over which the noble and learned lord, to whom I have been alluding, presides. Let the proposed measures be carried, and the Catholic Association will be strongly put down with one hand; while the Orange Association will receive only a gentle tap with the other.

Mr. Brougham declared, that if men are roused, it was not surprising that they should go a step beyond strict propriety. Making the allowance which it was but just to make under the peculiar circumstances of the case, he could not, after the most attentive observation and vigilant inspection of all which the Catholic Association had done and said, discover a single word or act which justified the charge conveyed in his majesty's Speech: and therefore from the very first to the very last of the proposed proceedings-on the first reading of the projected bill-nay, on the production of the papers, on which the motion for leave to bring in the bill would probably be founded, -he, for one, would take his stand and offer every opposition which he could, to what appeared to him to be an enormous mischief, bottomed in the grossest injustice, pregnant with the most fatal consequences, and leading, sooner or later, to the severance of the two kingdoms. He concluded by stating that, upon this occasion, he

had been prevented from taking a more decided course, solely by the reflection, that it would be injudicious to take the sense of the House upon his view of the question, when many of its most sincere and zealous supporters were absent.

Mr. Canning made a very spirited, and pointed, and somewhat contemptuous reply to the desultory harangue of Mr. Brougham. The hon. and learned gentleman, he observed, had asked him—“Why do not you, who have carried the South American question against an opposing minister, insist upon carrying the Catholic question also." Both the premises and the conclusion were wrong. Suppose the premises true, was there no difference between the Catholic question and the recognition of the South American States. "What had a minister to fear," the learned gentleman had asked, "with this House, these benches, the country, all England, at his back?" To which he would propose another question, "What would a minister do with only these benches, and with no England at his back?" One assumption of the hon. and learned gentleman's he (Mr. C.) must positively deny. He assumed the notion of a cabinet divided into two parties, and that a certain member of it, who was opposed to him upon the Catholic question, was also opposed to him on that of South America. He was entirely mistaken. The line, which was frequently drawn between the supposed liberals and illiberals of the cabinet council, was by no means a straight but a serpentine line. As it regarded the Catholic question, it was nearly straight, and direct; but, wherever habit did not arbitrarily prevail, or personal

honour was not pledged, the members brought their minds to the discussion totally disengaged. The project of breaking up the cabinet and forming a completely new one from the different benches of that House, would be found not very easy, in practice. He (Mr. C.) wished to separate the Catholic Association and the Catholic question; the hon. and learned gentleman wished to confound them: But, so far from the Association being identified with the interests of the Catholic people, its institution, and the conduct of its members, more resembled the scheme of an enemy, who had devised this as the best invention for, throwing back and thwarting the further progress of the question of emancipation. If the worst enemy of Catholic emancipation had purposely sat down to devise means to exasperate the people of England against that measure, he could not have hit upon means more certain-he could not have imagined a plan so successfully mischievous-as the institution and conduct of that body had been. The House had been told that the Catholic Association was the cause of the peace which prevailed. By what charm had they brought about this object. Whence did they obtain their magical elements of concord? From the pit of Acheron! Their combination was cemented by an adjuration of horror and loathing

"Be peaceable, by the hatred which you bear the Orangemen !" This was the charm by which they worked-These the means by which they proposed to extract peace out of hatred. Good God! was it for reasoning men deliberately to put such a bond of union into writing, and when called

upon to explain themselves, deliberately to affirm the deed? To inculcate peace among themselves, through their steadfast hatred of their fellow subjects? Could this be Catholicism. All that he (Mr. C.) desired, was, that the House would consider rightly the terms which were objected to in the Address. The king stated in his Speech, that associations existed in Ireland which had adopted proceedings not reconcileable with the laws and the constitution. As those proceedings tended to public mischief, it was recommended to parliament to consider of an ade quate remedy. The House of Commons was about to reply by promising that it would do so. What less could the House do?

In touching upon what had fallen from Mr. Brougham with respect to the liberal commercial policy which had been adopted, and the recognition of the new South American States, Mr. Canning observed, that, the hon. and learned gentleman having, in the course of his parliamentary life, proposed and supported almost every species and degree of innovation, which could be practised towards the constitution, it was not very easy for ministers to do any thing in the affair of South America, without seeming to borrow something from him. Their views might be shut up by cir cumstances which they must consult, though he need not-like ships among ice in a northern winter. In time the thawing proceeds, so that they were able to come out. But, break away in what direction they would, whether they took to the left or right, it was all alike. "Oho!" said the hon. and learned gentleman, "I was there before you-you would

not have thought of that, if I had not given you a hint." In the reign of queen Anne there was a sage and grave critic of the name of Dennis, who, in his old age, got it into his head, that he wrote all the good plays that were acted at that time. At last, a tragedy came forth with a most imposing storm of hail and thunder. At the first peal, "That's my thunder," said Dennis. So, with the hon. and learned gentleman, there was no noise or stir for the good of mankind, in any part of the globe, but he instantly claimed it for his thunder. All the commercial advantages which the country had reaped by the repeal of the duties on silk or cotton, or the reduction of the taxes; in fact, all popular measures whatever, were selected by the hon. and learned gentleman as his peculiar handy work.

The hon. and learned gentleman was very cautious in his praise. Much had been done to which he could not object; but then, for fear that ministers should feel too proud, he suggested that things might have been better, especially as to time. Now, if he (Mr. C.) piqued himself upon any thing in the South American negotiations, it was upon the point of time. As to the propriety of admitting states which had successfully shaken off their dependence on the mother country to the rights of nations, there could be no dispute. There were two ways of proceeding where the case was more questionable recklessly, and with a hurried course, to the object, which might be soon reached, and almost as soon lost- -or by another course so strictly guarded, that no principle was violated, and no offence given to other powers. The three states with which the British

government had to deal, were Buenos Ayres, Colombia, and Mexico and no earlier could either of them have been recognised. As to Buenos Ayres, it was undoubtedly true that the Spanish forces were sent away many years since; but it comprised thirteen or fourteen small and separate states, which were not till very lately collected into any federal union. Would it not have been an absurdity to have treated with a power, which was incapable of answering for the conduct of the communities of which it was composed? So soon as it was known that a consolidation had taken place, the treaty with Buenos Ayres was signed. Next, as to Colombia. As late as 1822, the last of the Spanish forces were sent away from Porto Cabello, which was, up till that time, held for the king of Spain. It was only since that time that Colombia could have been admitted as a state having a separate existence. Some time after that, however, Colombia chose to risk her whole force, and a great part of her treasure, in a distant war with Spain in Peru. Had that enterprise proved disastrous, the expedition would have returned with the troops to re-establish the royal authority. The danger was now at an end. The case of Mexico was still more striking. Not nine months ago, an adventurer who had wielded the sceptre of Mexico left these shores to return thither, and re-possess his abdicated throne. Was that a moment at which this country ought to have interfered to decide, by recognition, the government for Mexico? The failure of the attempt of that adventurer afforded the opportunity for recognition; and, the instant the failure was

known, the decision of the British cabinet was taken. Therefore, so far from the time being ill chosen, or the measures tardily adopted, it was not physically or morally possible to have anticipated them, even by a few weeks.

Then with respect to the mode in which this object had been effected, he contended that it was the best and wisest that could have been adopted. Those who opposed the course adopted by his majesty's ministers should speak out, and state explicitly why they objected to the mode in which the recognition was effected. Did they intend to argue, that this measure was imperfect, because it was not accompanied by war? Did they dislike it, because it was not accompanied by military preparation? The task which he had to perform was, to arrive at this great object-without giving just cause of war to France or any other power. There might be something mean and huckstering in this mode of proceeding, at least so the hon. and learned gentleman seemed to suppose; but, if he thought that war was not to be had, without some little dexterity, he was exceedingly mistaken. War lay here and here; it was on the right and on the left of our path ; our course lay in the middle: we took that course, and arrived at the object of our solicitude honourably and peaceably. Was this mode of proceeding unsatisfactory, because there did not exist in the archives of the Foreign-office, a single document relative to this question, which Spain had not seen, and of which the powers in alliance with this country had not been supplied with copies? this transaction deemed unsatisfactory, because Spain was told, that, if she would take the precedence

Was

in recognising the independence of the colonies, this country would be content to follow her steps, and to allow to her a priority in the markets of those colonies? Was the arrangement unsatisfactory, because, proceeding alone, England disdained to take any unfair advantages of a friendly state? Was it unsatisfactory, because we saw, that whoever might follow us in recognizing the independence of those states, would be placed by our side, and would enjoy equal advantages with ourselves? The hon. and learned gentleman admitted that he approved of the measure, but stated that he disapproved both of the mode and the time. Now, he would say to the hon. and learned gentleman in return, that the credit of the measure might be his, or it might be that of his hon. and learned friend (sir J. Mackintosh); but he (Mr. C.) would claim for himself the merit of that to which the hon. and learned gentleman affixed blame-namely, selecting the time, and devising the mode, in which this object was to be effected. And he trusted, that by this plain conduct, by this temperate this tardy policy, if they pleased so to call it -the country had got rid of all the dangers which otherwise would have accompanied the recognition. Did they not know-could he attempt to conceal that by this step England had offended many interests? Had she not called forth many regrets? Had she not excited much anger? Had she not raised up considerable ill-feeling? Had she not created passions of no favourable nature? Such was the fact. Still, however, he entertained the most sanguine hopes, that those evil feelings and angry passions would exhale themselves,

and subside in mere words, and that the peace of the world would continue to be preserved.

The Address was agreed to unanimously, and a committee appointed to draw it up.

On the following day lord F. L. Gower brought up the report of the Address. That gave occasion to another discussion, in which Mr.

Hobhouse, colonel Palmer, sir John Newport, Mr. Hutchinson, and Mr. Denman on the one side, and the chancellor of the Exchequer, and Mr. Peel, on the other, followed respectively nearly the same line of observation, which their several parties had taken in the preceding debate. This discussion, like the former, did not lead to any division.