in France of religious orders not sanctioned by the laws; ultramontane doctrines publicly preached by a part of the French clergydoctrines which tend to compromise the rights of the throne, and the liberties guaranteed by our institutions; Declares, That there is no ground for suspension, but admonishes the publisher and editors of the Courier to be more circumspect."

The resistance of the tribunals to the known and anxious wishes of the government, was ascribed, in a great measure, to the disgust and aversion with which they regarded the endeavours that were made to diffuse a spirit of bigotry through the nation, and to increase the influence of the priests, and especially of the Jesuits.

The French ministry were placed in a very perplexing situation with respect to the states of South America. On the one hand, the maxims of legitimacy and of desclear interests of the nation, and the potism were to be treated with deference ; on the other hand, the apprehension that England would, by her liberal policy, acquire a preponderating influence in the new world, prescribed a different line of conduct. They endeavoured to steer clear of the difficulties of their situation by adopting no decided course, and by using ambiguous language. In the month of April, sixty of the chief commercial and banking houses of Paris presented a petition to the king, praying him to follow the example of the English governments, in sending consuls to the new states of America, and forming commercial treaties with them. The petition was received graciously, but produced no result. About a month afterwards, when,

in the discussion of the budget, the Chamber of deputies was called upon to vote the sums required for the expenses of the foreign service, general Foy took occasion to make some very severe strictures on the conduct of the cabinet in their diplomatic proceedings, and to criticise particularly the policy which they had observed towards the new states of America. What advantage, he asked, had France derived from her subserviency to the illiberal dictates of the Holy Alliance? Had she even recovered the fortresses of SarreLouis and Landau, which had been constructed by Louis 14th, had been possessed by Louis 16th, and were still astonished to find themselves possessed by any but a Bourbon? He alluded also to a late visit of prince Metternich tó Paris, and stated the rumours which were in circulation respecting its objects; one of which was supposed to be, to obtain an engagement from the French ministry for the destruction of the liberty of the French press.

M. de Villèle did not shrink from the attack, but defended his party with a cautious boldness. The commercial part of the question, he argued, could not have been prudently arranged in any different manner. France stood towards the late Spanish colonies in a different position from England, both as regarded interests and principles. England had been the protectress of those states from the infancy of their independence; she had embarked a large capital in the trade with them, before the conclusion of the war of 1815; she had, besides, objected to the enterprise for restoring Ferdinand to his rights, and therefore had no wish to see him preserve his colo

nies. France, on the contrary, could not trade with South America before the peace; and after undertaking to replace Ferdinand on his throne, with what grace could she sanction the revolt of his trans-Atlantic dominions? The French ministry had, however, done all that was in their power for the interests of French commerce. They had obtained from Spain a right to trade with Spanish America, and they offered their mediation to effect an arrangement between the contending parties. It was with this object, that agents had been sent to Colombia. The conduct of France, therefore, had been at once frank and honourable. The visit of prince Metternich to Paris had indeed been made the subject of ungrounded suspicion and chimerical alarm, but its motives were obvious, and its importance overrated. It had no connection with the freedom of the press, or the publication of the debates of the Chambers. The government never dreaded less the freedom or even the licentiousness of the press than now. "The ministers," he added, "were convinced that the evils arising from that source, carry along with them their own medy, which it would be superfluous to look for in any other quarter."

re

The present year saw the apparent conclusion of a long negotiation between France and St. Domingo, for the formal acknowledgment by the former of the independence of the latter. As

soon as Louis 18th was restored to his throne, he began to turn his eyes to the former colonies of France and, in the autumn of 1814, his minister of marine despatched an agent to Hayti with

propositions, which, being rejected by the black government with indignation, were with equal adroitness disowned by the government of his most Christian Majesty. In 1816, agents were again despatched to St. Domingo with similar propositions, which met with a similar rejection. In this deputation, was a M. Esmangart, who acquired the confidence of the black republican government by the declaration of liberal principles. After a long interval, this gentleman was employed to renew the negotiation, without compromising the honour of the French government, whose proposals had already been twice rejected. He accordingly caused it to be notified to the president Boyer, by a M. Aubert, that Louis 18th had decided to confirm the independence of Hayti, claiming only an indemnity, and to be acknowledged Lord Paramount. The president of Hayti, in reply, rejected the idea of holding his power from the king of France, or placing his dominions under French protection : but he offered a reasonable indemnity, on condition that every question of sovereignty should be set at rest by a formal acknowledgment of Haytian independence. On this the French minister of marine invited the president, by a confidential agent, to specify the terms which he was prepared to offer, as France had repeatedly made overtures which had been refused; and the consequence was, that, in May, 1823, the president despatched general Boye to Brussels, as his envoy. The general found that he had to treat with a negotiator on the part of the French government, who had no power to conclude a treaty. The conferences were accordingly in

terrupted; the blame of the rupture was thrown on the Haytian envoy and M. Esmangart, towards the end of the year, wrote to the president, informing him of the circumstance, assuring him that Louis 18th was disposed to be moderate in his terms, and inviting him to send other agents. This was followed, in the beginning of 1824, by the, arrival in St. Domingo, of an agent from France, who urged Boyer to send a mission thither. In compliance with this invitation, the president despatched, on the 1st of May, 1824, two agents of the names of Larose and Rouanez, with full powers to conclude a commercial treaty, on the basis of a recognition of Haytian independence. Those agents reached Havre on the 14th of June, but made no progress in their negotiation till the middle of July. The questions discussed were, the extent of the recognition, the amount of the indemnity, and the conditions of the commercial treaty. With respect to the last, the envoys agreed to place the commerce of France on the footing of that of the most favoured nations: with respect to the indemnity, there was some difference which might have, been easily adjusted; but as the treaty was about to be concluded, a new difficulty was started with respect to the question of sovereignty. The Haytian deputies, suspecting an intention to dupe them, or to prolong interminably the negotiation, demanded a final explanation, and a meeting was appointed between them and the minister of marine on the 31st of July. The minister opened the conference by declaring, that his majesty would sanction the independence of Hayti, reserving only the "external sovereignty." The deputies expressed

their astonishment at this reservation, and declared its utter inadmissibility. The negotiation was broken off on the 3rd of August by a note from M. Esmangart, containing the following passage:

"The government, after the conference you have had with the minister of the marine, has decided, that, for want of sufficient powers vested in you to accept the conditions established in the royal ordinance, with which you have been made acquainted, the negotiation cannot proceed.

In a few days afterwards, the Haytian mission left France. Still, however, it would appear, that private communications were carried on between Boyer and the French ministry; the result of which was, that the following royal ordinance, bearing date the 17th of April in the present year, and signed by the king, M. de Villèle, the keeper of the seals, and the secretary of state for the department of marine and colonies, was secretly made with all due formality:

"Considering articles 14 and 73 of the charter, desiring to provide for what is called for by the interests of the French merchants, the misfortunes of the ancient colonies of St. Domingo, and the precarious situation of the present inhabitants of that island; We have ordained and ordain as follows:

:

Art. 1. The ports of the French part of St. Domingo are open to the commerce of all nations.

The duties levied in the ports, either upon vessels or merchandise, whether entering or going out, shall be equal and uniform for all flags except for the French flag, in favour of which these duties shall be reduced one-half.

This negotiation is unique in the history of diplomacy. The decree of the king of France, which is supposed to constitute his majesty's recognition of the independence of St. Domingo, has little resemblance, to what, in common language and common sense, would be called an acknowledgment of

the throne from which it emanates, and the country which is the object of it. “Haytians!—A special decree of his majesty Charles 10th, dated the 17th of April last, recognizes the full and entire independence of your government. This authentic act, in adding the formality of right to the political existence which you had already acquired, will legalize in the eyes of the world the rank in which you had placed yourselves, and to which Providence had called you.

"Citizens !-Commerce and agriculture are about to extend themselves. The arts and sciences, which delight in peace, will hasten to embellish your new destinies with all the benefits of civilization. Continue, by your attach ment to the national institutions, and above all, by your union, to inflict despair on those who would attempt to disturb you in the just and peaceable possession of your rights.

"Soldiers!-You have deserved well of your country. Under all circumstances you have been ready to fight in her defence. You will be ever faithful to your duties. The confidence of which you have given such proofs to the chief of the state is the sweetest recom

pense of the anxiety he has felt for the

prosperity and glory of the republic.

"Haytians!-Show yourselves always worthy of the honourable situation which you hold among nations, and more happy than your sires, who could transmit to you but a dreadful lot, you will bequeath to your posterity the most delightful inheritance which it is possible to desire-concord at home and peace abroad, a country prosperous and respected.

"Given at the National Palace of Port-au-Prince, the eleventh day of July, 1825, in the 22nd year of independence.

"BOYER." "By the president, the secretarygeneral, B. Inginac."

the "sovereignty" of that republic. Charles 10th does not, by his ordinance renounce all authority and power over Hayti, or declare that the Haytians may act as they think fit in their own harbours, receive such vessels, and impose such duties as they please. On the contrary, he commands that the ports of St. Domingo shall be open to the ships of all nations, and that the duties on all foreign vessels shall be equal, except on those of France, which are to bear only half the amount levied on the rest of the world. Such an ordinance is, in form, as well as substance, more like the assertion, than the surrender, of a sovereignty. It states no treaty with Boyer, no public act, beyond the mere pleasure of Charles 10th, expressed in a decree which his ministers have countersigned, but to which there is not annexed one line on behalf of any other contracting party, nor the name of a single Haytian minister. The independence of their government is acknowledged for the "actual" inhabitants of Hayti, but nothing is stipulated for their successors. It is impossible to doubt but that Boyer betrayed the trust reposed in him; and that henceforth he must be regarded as a French viceroy, rather than as the head of an independent state.

Notwithstanding the acclamations, with which, according to the French accounts, the king of France's decree was received by the Haytians, it is evident that many, seeing the transaction in its true light, regarded it with an evil eye.

At a grand dinner given by Boyer to Mackau and his officers of the French squadron, a member of the Haytian Senate proposed this toast; "May we never cease to