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parliament to go on free from all timet-merely because he appreinterruption, until he said some- hends that something possibly may thing disorderly. If he did any be. thing disorderly, he did it at his Mr. Wodehouse rose to order. peril. His words might be taken He said that the hon. and learned down; and he would never utter gentleman was out of order still. in that House, or in any other If he was not, let him explain what place, any thing which he would those two words, quia timet, meant. have the least objection to be taken Amidst the excessive laughter down. He spoke for the privileges and cheering which Mr. Wodeof the House ; but he also spoke house's quarrel with quia timet for the consistency, credit, and produced, character of the House. Had no Mr. Peel put it to Mr. Brougham, man ever before heard of an allu- whether, engaged as the House sion to another place ? Scarcely was, in the discussion of a measure a debate took place, in which some of great importance, he would inallusion was not made to it; some- troduce a topic likely to unfit them times under the flimsy shelter of for the immediate business before the phrase, “another place which it? Would he not, upon cool reit is not allowed me to name.” If flection, feel that it would be betthe members of that House habit- ter, at all events, to abstain from ually adverted to proceedings in the any such allusions ? House of Peers; if he himself had Mr. Brougham said, that any heard the words of the lord chan- recommendation coming from the cellor canvassed in it not twenty- right hon. gentleman was entitled four hours after the noble lord had to his best attention ; but he could uttered them; if the lord chancel- not disguise from himself, that the lor himself had afterwards, in the fact, to which he had alluded, formHouse of Lords, repeated the same ed a most important feature in the words, and coupled that repetition question before the House. The with a reply to the observations cry of the advocates of the measure which they had called up; if all then before the House had been, this had been done, was it not an carry the disfranchisement of the unworthy course, which was now 40s. freeholders--not upon its own attempted to be taken against him? merits, but because it will carry Was it not base for the House of with it the question of Catholic Commons to say, “You may attack emancipation.” This might have the bishops, the woolsack, the done well twenty-four hours ago lords, collectively or individually, twenty-four hours back gentleif you will ; but, if you only glance men might have expected to carry at the heir presumptive of the Catholic emancipation with the crown, privilege shall rise up help of the bill now under discusagainst you, even before the words, sion; but who at the present mowhich are to constitute the offence, ment would say, that he had any can be uttered”-an hon. and hope left of so carrying it? Would learned member (himself the most not the ominous news of the day disorderly in all the world) shall in which he was speaking go forth get up and complain that you are through all England, and all Ireout of order, not because any thing land, as the knell of despair, rung irregular has been said, but--quia over the Catholic question, and those interested in it for ever? England, would be gone for ever. Ought not the knowledge of that He was no lover of discord [a laugh news to operate upon the House ? from the ministerial benches]. He Fair, honest warning was given to repeated that he was no lover of the Catholics and to the country: discord; and those who would they had reasonable and candid deem him such were themselves notice. But though this frankness only not lovers of discord, because was honest and conscientious, still they preferred to what they called the Catholics had not less a very discord and commotion, the solitude honest and conscientious avowed and silence of passive obedience, obstinacy to deal with: for no and the bending before absolute monarch, who ever sat upon the and uncontrolled despotism. He English throne, had ever been pre- respected the conscientious feeling pared for such resistance to his of every man. Heaven forbid that people on behalf of the Catholics, he should not give to the honest as was now not only meditated, differences of opinion in other men but openly avowed against them. the same degree of toleration which Then he (Mr. Brougham) held up he claimed for his own. A want this warning, and repeated it, for of conscientious frankness was the the benefit of Ireland and of the last charge that he would bring Irish members; and what he said against any man. But it did hapto them was, “ Do not believe that pen, that the men sometimes, who any thing will ever carry the Ca- had most of that frankness, unless tholic question but a powerful ma- at the same time they were men jority in the House of Commons.” of enlightened understanding, were, But if, instead of such majorities of all others, the most irreclaimas 17 and 27, to save the whole able; and that, in fact, all hope of empire from a convulsion, which recalling them from their errors the events of the last twenty-four so help them God (cheering and hours led men still more anxiously laughter!] was but visionary. to think of; if, to save at once

Under these circumstances, then, England and Ireland, a large in- it became the House to set itself crease in the majority on the Ca- in order, and to embrace the very tholic question might be hoped for, earliest opportunity—for to lose the present moment--the present one might be fatal of going up reign was the time for its appear- to the other branch of the legisla

A little while, and it would ture with an overpowering majorbe too late. A brief time, and ity upon the Catholic question. the opportunity would be gone for Nothing short of an immense ma

A little rest, a little slum- jority could be successful. There bering, a little folding of the was not an hour to be lost ; for hands to sleep, a little more paus- the time might come when even ing in apathy, as we had gone on such a majority would be ineffecto do session after session, parlia- tual; and when the unanimous vote ment after parliament, for twenty of both Houses of parliament, joined years—a little more of this, and to the expression of opinion from we should find despotism and in- the whole country, would have no tolerance coming upon us like an other consequence than to lead to an armed man; and the power of irreparable breach with the Crown. pacifying Ireland, and of saving Many who did not concur with



the vehemence of Mr. Brougham, and of argument, by the two learndisapproved of the conduct of the ed prеlates), that, with respect both duke of York; not upon the ground to the nature of the religion in its that his sentiments and opinions political consequences, and to the were wrong, but because his avow- inconsistency of admitting Catholic ed expression of them was impru- elements of power into a Protesdent. The bulk of the nation, tant constitution, the reasons for however, were of a contrary opin- excluding Catholics ought to be as ion; and concurring in the prin- operative now as they had been at ciples to which his royal highness any former period. The most rehad declared his adherence, they markable circumstance in the denaturally applauded his manly batewas, the vehemence with which avowal.

the prime minister expressed his On the 10th of May, the third decided conviction on the subject :

, itreading of the Catholic bill was

self formed a contrast to his habitumoved; and, after a debate in which Mr. C. Grant, Mr. Horace ally mild and gentle tone, excited

the more observation in conseTwiss, Mr. Huskisson, and Mr. Brougham took the principal part of a rumour that he was now in

quence of the previous circulation on the one side, and the Solicitor- clined to recede from the opinions general and Mr. Peel on the other, which he had hitherto entertained. it was passed by a majority of 21, the Ayes being 248, and the Noes lord Liverpool, maintained, that

The noble lords opposite, said 227.

it was fitting to grant the conOn the 11th of May, the bill cessions demanded; because the was carried up to the House of Catholics of this country and Lords, and read a first time. On Ireland, were entitled to enjoy the 17th of the same month, lord equal civil rights and immunities Donoughmore moved the second with their Protestant brethren: reading, and was supported by lord and upon that broad principle he Camden, lord Darnley; the bishop was at issue with them. He adof Norwich, lord Lansdowne, lord mitted that all subjects in a free Harrowby, and lord Fitzwilliam. state were entitled to the enjoyLord. Colchester, lord Longford, ment of equal rights upon equal the bishop of Llandaff, the bishop conditions ; but, then the qualifiof Chester, lord Liverpool, and the cation of that principle in the case Lord Chancellor opposed the mea- of the Catholics was clear-the

The debate, though pro- Catholics, who demanded these tracted till half-past five in the equal rights, did not afford equal morning, presented little novelty. conditions. The difference was On the one side, the alleged right this—the Protestant gave an entire of the Catholics to political equality, allegiance to his sovereign; the the innoxiousness of their religious Catholic a divided one. creed, the necessity of concession vice of the former was complete ; for the sake of the tranquillity of that of the latter only qualified ; Ireland, were the topics insisted and, unless it could be proved that upon. On the other hand, it was the man who worked for half a contended (and particularly with day, was entitled to as much great strength both of language wages as the man who worked the whole day, or, in other words, that that bugbear of the noble lords the half was equal to the whole, opposite, the holy alliance, were he could not admit that the Roman now to recommend to the pope, Catholic, whose allegiance was who could say that he would not divided between a spiritual and a listen to their recommendation ? temporal master, was entitled to Would any one then affirm, that a the enjoyment of the same civil people so circumstanced were enrights and privileges as the Pro- titled to a community of civil testant, whose allegiance was un- rights and privileges with the Prodivided, and who acknowledged testants? He knew it had been but one ruler.


The ser

said, that the progress of education, He cared not for the speculative and the march of civilization, had dogmas of the Roman Catholic wrought wonders amongst the Cachurch, such as the doctrine of tholics; and, looking to the present transubstantiation, or the invoca- aspect of the times, it might, pertion of saints : but he could not be haps, appear to superficial obindifferent to the power which servers, that little danger was to the pope still held over the great be apprehended. But he would body of the Roman Catholics. It remind their lordships, that the had indeed been the policy of horizon was often the clearest and the advocates of the Catholics to most serene when the tempest was maintain that this power was nearest. At what period did the extinct; but the very evidence established church appear to be in before their lordships proved the a more flourishing condition, than extraordinary influence which was at the Restoration of Charles 2nd ? even at that day exercised by the And yet, within twenty years pope of Rome. The presentation afterwards, the greatest revolution to vacant sees in the Roman Ca- took place in the condition of that tholic church in Ireland was vested church, and it was next to a mirain the pope at that moment--he cle that it was not overwhelmed, exercised an absolute and uncon- . by the machinations of a popish trolled power of appointing whom prince, in one common ruin with he pleased to vacant bishopricks. the state and constitution of this He might yield occasionally to the country. It was not to the pope, recommendation of others, but the as pope, that he objected; it was strict right of nomination he re- to the principle of the existence served to himself. That he had of such a power as that in the occasionally yielded to the repre- pope, and to the temporal and sentation of others had been fully practical power of the Catholic proved by the evidence of Dr. priesthood, extending over all the Doyle, who had stated before their relations of private life, and penelordships' committee, that James trating into every domestic scene. the 2nd, his son, and grandson, Their lordships held-the bill had, for a succession of years, re- held--that a Protestant succession commended to the vacant Irish was the foundation of our constibishopricks, and that the pope had tutional system: but if this meainvariably attended to their reconi- sure should pass, the Protestant mendations. If, therefore, the succession would not be worth a king of France, or the king of farthing. Much had been said of Spain, or any of the members of rights indefeasible and natural VOL. LXVII.


rights. The state was Protestant ner little expected. Neither could essentially, the Crown was to be he bring himself to view it as a Protestant, and the successors to measure of peace and conciliation. the throne must adhere to the same Whatever it might do in this refaith. But, were they to be the spect in the first instance, its naonly persons so limited ? He tural and final tendency would be would speak of a king's rights here to increase dissensions, and to crein the same sense, and no other, as ate discord, even where discord did that in which he would argue con- not previously exist. He intreated cerning the rights of a peasant. their lordships to consider the asWas it not hard upon the king and pect of the timesin which they lived. the heir to the throne, that they It was their fate to hear doctrines must be bound to the Protestant openly promulgated, which were faith, while the chief justice, the as novel as they were mischievous. ministers, and the secretaries of The people were now taught in state, might be Roman Catholics? publications

to consider queen Why was this? Where was the Mary as having been a wise and danger in having a popish king or virtuous queen, and that the world a popish chancellor; if all the had gained nothing whatever by other executive officers might ac- the Reformation. Nay, more than knowledge the pope ? There was this-it was now promulgated, less danger in a popish chancellor, that James 2nd was a wise and who might be removed at pleasure, virtuous prince; and that he fell than in a popish chief justice, who in the glorious cause of religious would hold the administration of toleration. Could the House be the criminal law in his control, aware of these facts, and not see and could be removed only by a that a great and powerful engine peculiar process of law in case of his was at work to effect the object of dereliction of duty. It was said that re-establishing the Catholic relithe privy council might be increased gion throughout these kingdoms ? by the admission of Roman Catho- And, if once established, should lics, and that it was unjust and we not revert to a state of ignocruel to exclude Catholics from rance, with all its barbarous and such an appointment of trust and direful consequences ? Let the honour ; in short, that a Catholic House consider what had been might be prime minister, and have the result of those laws, what had the whole patronage of the church been the effects of that fundaand state at his disposal. As long, mental principle of the British however, as the system of the con- constitution, which they were now stitution was Protestant, it was es- called upon to alter with such sential to maintain a Protestant an unsparing hand. For the last throne, and a Protestant adminis- hundred and thirty years, the tration of the public affairs ; but if country had enjoyed a state of rethe bill were to pass, Great Britain ligious peace, a blessing that had would be no longer a Protestant arisen out of the wisdom of our state. The evil he apprehended laws. But, what had been the from the passing of such a bill state of the country for the hundred would not be immediate ; but it and thirty years immediately prewould be inevitable, and would ceding that period ? England had come upon the country in a man- been the scene of the most sane

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