laid, many plots and conspiracies formed by them; but they but they were all detected",

them. Accordingly it happened that, amidst the highest expectations of the royal party, the chief leaders of them were seized; and Slingsby and Hewet, with others, executed. Sexby died in prison. He was a man of sense and learning; and author of, Killing no Murder: though Lord Clarendon represents him as an illiterate person.-The Spaniards thought themselves well paid for Charles's pension, I doubt not, by alarming Cromwell with invasions from abroad, and insurrections at home. It answered an end to them. But how far men of humanity, as I would willingly suppose there may be some of that character amongst statesmen, can answer to themselves, for giving hopes they know to be in vain, and prospects illusory, to the ruin of well-meaning, zealous, ignorant party-men, is beyond my comprehension.

22

Many plots and conspiracies were formed, in order to bring about his restoration; but they were all detected.] The friends of the Stuarts, and the enemies of Cromwell, united in their endeavours to place Charles on the throne. For this end, monies were advanced, places appointed, arms prepared. Some, who had served in the royal army, came from abroad, and were joined by the conspirators at home, who, by untimely risings, or ill-concerted measures, brought destruction to the cause they intended to advance. Nor was this all. They entered into schemes of assassinations; and cared not by what methods they accomplished their ends. Ascham and Dorislaus,

* See vol. III. note 20. See Clarendon, vol. VI. p. 640,

1

through the vigilance of his enemies, or the treachery of those about him. So that

b

agents for the commonwealth abroad, felt the effects of their fury; and it was not owing to a want of will that Cromwell escaped it. The protector publicly charged "Charles Stuart, Ormonde, and Hide with consulting and advising the assassinating him ".” This was a high charge; but at the same time it possibly was a true one, as the reader will be inclined to judge from the following proclamation, dated, Paris, May 3d, 1654, N. S.- "Charles the Second, by the grace of God, &c. Whereas it is apparent to all rational and unbiassed men throughout the world, that a certain mechanic fellow, by name Oliver Cromwell, hath, by most wicked and accursed ways and means, against all laws both divine and human (taking opportunity through the late sad and unnatural wars in our kingdoms), most tyrannically and traiterously usurped the supream power over our said kingdoms, to the enslaving and ruining the persons and estates of the good people our free subjects therein, after he had most inhumanly and barbarously butchered our dear father, of sacred memory, his just and lawful sovereign: these are therefore in our name to give free leave and liberty to any man whomsoever, within any of our three kingdoms, by pistol, sword, or poison, or by any other way or means whatsoever, to destroy the life of the said Oliver Cromwell; wherein they will do an act acceptable to God and good men, by cutting so detestable a villain from the face of the earth: and whosoever, whether soldier or other, shall be instru

a See a True Account of the late bloody and inhuman Conspiracy against his Highness. 4to. Lond. 1654. b Id. p. 11.

the government of England, at least till

mental in so signal a piece of service, both to God, to his king, and to his country, we do by these presents, and in the word and faith of a Christian king, promise, as a reward for his good service, to give to him and his heirs for ever 500l. per annum, free land, or the full sum in money, for which such a proportion may be purchased of the owners, and also the honour of knighthood to him and his heirs and if he shall be a soldier of the army, we do also promise to give him a colonel's place, and such honourable employment, wherein he may be capable of attaining to farther preferment answerable to his merit. And because we know, that great numbers are involved in the same guilt with the said Oliver, more through his crafty ensnaring devices, than their own malicious or wilful inclinations; we do therefore freely pardon and forgive all and every man whatsoever, for all and every thing by them done and committed against our person, crown, and dignity, or whatsoever hath been by them done or committed in the prosecution of the late wars, provided that they or any of them so guilty shall, within six days after their certain notice of Cromwell's death, renounce and forsake their rebellious courses, and submit themselves to our mercy and clemency; and also whosoever shall before that time, upon a just and fair opportunity, leave partaking with those wicked men, and declare for the just rights and priviledges of us and our people, his king and country, shall not only be pardoned for whatsoever is past, but receive a signal reward, and shall be by us employed and trusted with command answerable to his quality; excepting only from this our pardon, William Lenthall, late speaker of the house of commons, and John Bradshaw

the death of Cromwell, which happened

president of that bloody court, commonly called the High Court of Justice, and Sir Arthur Hazelrigge, and no other; but all men else to enjoy the full benefit of this our free pardon, in case they perform the conditions above required"."The same thing appears also highly probable from a letter of the duke of York to the king, dated Paris, May 14, 1655, and decyphered with the king's own hand. "There is a proposition," says he, " that has been made to me, which is too long to put in a letter; so that I will, as short as I can, lett you know the heads of them. There are fower Roman-catholics, that have bound themselves in a solemn oath to kill Cromwell, and then to raise all the catholicks in the city and the army, which they pretend to be a number so considerable, as may give a rise for your recovery, they being all warn'd to be ready for something that is to be done, without knowing what it is. They demand ten thousand livres in hand; and when the business is ended, some recompence for themselves, according to their respective qualitys, and the same liberty for catholicks in England as the protestants have in France. I thought not fit to reject this proposition, but to acquaint you with it, becaus the first part of the desine seems to me to be better lay'd and resolved on, than any I have knowen of that kind; and for the defects of the second it may be supplied by some desires you may have to join to it. If you approve of it, one of the fower, intrusted by the rest, will repair to you, his charges being borne, and give you a full account of the whole. In the mean time, he desires, in his own

* Thurloe, vol. II. p. 248.

in September, one thousand six hundred

',

name and theirs, that you would lett but one or two, whom you most trust, know it, and enjoyne them secresy." It seems reasonable, I think, to conclude from this letter and proclamation, that the royal brothers were no strangers to assassination schemes, no disapprovers of them, and, consequently, that it was a vain thing for them or their adherents to complain that they were beset with spies, who gave notice of their designs, and rendered them abortive. For selfdefence is undoubtedly allowable to princes, as well as private persons; and the encouraging of spies is, at least, as defensible as employing cut-throats. Those who are willing to know the particulars of the conspiracies formed in behalf of Charles, may consult the common historians, and the State Trials. I have said in the text, that they were all detected through the vigilance of his enemies, or the treachery of those about him. Charles's court, as we have seen, was made up of necessitous persons; and among such, it is at no time difficult to find those who are ready to receive a bribe." The council of state in England," says Whitlock, "had good intelligence of all the transactions of the prince and of his council, which they procured by their money; whereof some of the princes servants were needy, and would betray their master for it'"-Sir Edward Nicholas, in a letter to the marquis of Ormonde, dated Hague, Aug. 15, 1651, N. S. writes as follows. "By the enclosed extract out of the Meréurius Politicus sent me from Paris, your lordship may see with what prudence and secrecy the king's business is by the great statesmen of the Louvre managed.

Thurloe, vol. I. p. 666.

Memorials, p. 430.