trust that this monstrous spirit is already on the decline; as, without question, it must ultimately be crumbled into dust, by the influence of reason and truth: we believe, there are few at this moment, either enthusiasts or knaves, who would dare to talk of "the unprofitableness of good works," "the merit of great sins," with the rest of that horrible and pitiable trash. We believe so, and we hope so, for the sake of Christianity, for the sake of the Church of England, and certainly, not least, for the sake of the Dissenters: yet we have still some persons in our eye, who would come under the description of the old ballad, as

The pretended Reformers, recruiting who come
For volunteer saints with canonical drum,
With impudent jargon and spiritual pother,
To damn half mankind and to plunder the other ;

The pious fanatics, who riot and rob

With holy grimace and true sanctified sob;
The saints, with meck visages preaching the word,
Who cheat, pray, and lie, in the name of the Lord:

The vagabond Levites, who ramble about
To gull with their priest-craft an ignorant rout;
The puritan zealots most surely accurst-

For of all rogues a sanctified rogue is the worst!

But we must leave this subject, on which our feelings have, perhaps, induced us to say too much, and hasten to politics. Politics, again, must be subdivided into two distinct compartments: first, immediate politics, in the popular acceptation of the word; and, secondly, the science of politics.

First, under immediate politics are comprehended all topics of present interest, whether the cabals of parties, or the alliances of monarchs; or the measures of the few for the government of the many; or the combinations and conspiracies of the many against the few. To this head must be referred the historical survey of passing events on an enlarged and comprehensive scale; the state of things at home and abroad, considered with regard both to their existing appearance and their probable consequences; the foreign relations and internal condition of the empire; its domestic, continental, and colonial policy; the affairs of

the other divisions of the globe, examined with more or less attention, in proportion, in the first place, to the rela tive magnitude of the occurrences themselves; and, in the second, to their more or less intimate connexion with our own country, and their more or less immediate bearing upon its prosperity and safety.

Now all these subjects, it must be allowed, are, in themselves, of sufficient interest and importance. One might imagine, surely, that to furnish contemporary readers with accurate information, and supply ample matter for the philosophical historian of future times, to afford public instruction, and direct public opinion, could be no trivial, or useless, or undignified employment. Yet it happens, by some means or other, that the province of immediate politics has become the lowest grade in the community of letters; and that to write for a public journal is considered almost a disreputable occupation. Such is the fact; and what is the reason? It is simply this: the task has been assigned, in nineteen cases out of twenty, to hireling scribblers, hot and headstrong partisans; or mere mercenary soldiers, who, like the Swiss of old, will fight for any cause, and on any side, where they are paid for their services. We will not venture to go quite so far as the writer of a preface to the Dunciad, who makes a strange mixture indeed, and talks of our garrets being filled with clippers, coiners, and weekly journalists;" yet we give notice, that we have it in contemplation hereafter to put this whole department upon a better footing; and, without question, to set a most commendable example in our own persons even although we should run the risk of being exalted to the same airy place of abode, and confounded with the noble fraternity above-mentioned. Seriously we are bent upon this object, and deem it the more essential from our firm and rooted belief, that the spirit of disunion, and the acrimony of factious disputes are in no small measure engendered, and kept alive, fostered, and fomented, by the designed suppressions and exaggerations of political writers, by their distortion of motives, and their misrepresentation of facts. This is a notorious and noon-day evil; wise men see it, and good men regret it:

but what then? is it stopped? or diminished? or discountenanced? No, it continues in its full operation, it goes on precisely as before,

For wisdom is to sloth too great a slave;

None are so busy as the fool and knave.

We proceed to the Science of Politics. Upon this head we must remark, that we consider it, on the one hand, as the very highest subject of human investigation; and, on the other, as by no means advanced in an equal ratio with the other departments of philosophy. To prove the first of these propositions would be, in fact, to demonstrate that the whole is greater than any of its parts; because the science of politics, truly understood, embraces all the great interests of man as the member of a community, and includes all the other practical sciences as subordinate and auxiliary to itself. Moreover, its paramount dignity and utility have, in theory, at least, been always acknowledged from the time of Aristotle to the present. With regard to the second proposition, we believe, in conformity with the general opinion, that the small comparative advancement of this study has naturally resulted from the following causes; first, from its very extent, and complication, and variety of objects; secondly, from its being necessarily connected with the selfish interests, the inveterate habits, the settled prejudices, the blind, impetuous, irrational passions of mankind: and from its being as necessarily confused, and darkened, and obstructed by that connexion: thirdly, from its having generally fallen into the hands of two opposite descriptions of persons; neither of whom was the most likely to form just conceptions, or arrive at accurate conclusions: we mean, either the common, mechanical, matter-of-fact statesmen, who have been almost cradled in office and educated at the bureau; who, before their crude notions could be expanded into sound and comprehensive principles, have been initiated into diplomatic intrigues, and buried in the routine of business or the visionary speculatists and dreaming enthusiasts, who are legislators and financiers of the closet, who frame excellent and well-compacted systems upon paper, without considering how easy it is to devise.

plans, when we have not to put them in execution; or, how often that which is fundamentally just, intrinsically expedient, and agreeable to sound general maxims, must be sacrificed to the short-sighted views of individuals, and the particular circumstances of the times. Here then it

will be our great object to hold the balance between the contending parties; to examine, and reconcile, as far as it may be possible, their conflicting statements and contradictory opinions to fill up, where we are able, the intermediate space, and form, as it were, a connecting link between active and speculative politicians.

We have talked of the science of politics. We feel tho inaccuracy of such language. Let us rather say, then, that, with regard to politics, we have another object in a sort of remote and indistinct perspective, which, hitherto, from its distance and apparent inaccessibility, we have hardly dared to whisper even to ourselves; we we will not, however, be deterred by the dread of ingenious taunts, and witty sarcasms from declaring boldly, and perhaps rashly, that we wish to reduce this study to a science; or, if that be a point, which neither we nor our posterity are destined to reach, to make at least something like an approximation to it. We must ask for some indulgence, while we state briefly and succinctly our notions upon this head.

Political Economy is one great branch of our subject. If it were the only one, we should have better hopes. For we can really see no reason, why, if the inquiry be pursued upon just principles, and with a scrupulous regard for truth, the production of wealth should not be brought within the limits of exact computation, and measured with almost mathematical precision. But, unfortunately, this is not all which is required in the philosophy of politics. The wealth of nations must be considered in connexion with the happiness of nations. And here the question immediately arises, which has perplexed and baffled the wisest and most experienced men of all ages; and must for ever, we fear, create irreconcilable differences of opinion—namely, how far, and in what manner, such and such portions of national wealth must be given up, for the sake of other

national advantages, as for example, physical security, or moral strength, or national honour; or how much must be voluntarily lost, and deliberately surrendered, out of reverence for established institutions, or in compliance with established prejudices.

Yet we will not absolutely despair. We think it possible at all events, to make some progress towards the attainment of our aim. A few faint hopes will come, now and then, to cheer and animate us, which spring from the knowledge of our own carelessness about existing theories, our total indifference to all systems whatsoever, and our freedom from all party-attachments or dislikes: and, again, from an impression which we cannot but feel, that we shall have the cordial co-operation of those, who, with the welfare of their country and the general interests of mankind at heart, are anxious for the advancement of a science, which may become one of the greatest contributors to human happiness, as it is now one of the noblest exercises of human reason.

To sum up the general scope of our political intentions, we shall carry our views throughout the whole extent of the empire; we shall institute in every quarter, in every nook of it, a strict, unsparing, and universal scrutiny; we shall examine all its concerns boldly, if not wisely; manfully, if not profoundly; without bias, without anxiety as to the conclusions to which we may be carried; without any respect to persons, or much regard for consequences. We shall give the reins to inquiry, and let it lead us, where it will. Whatever else our sentiments may be, they will be the sentiments of men, who think for themselves, and have very little hesitation in stating what they think.

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The next topic of discussion is Law. Now we need not be told, that law is a part of politics, for let it be borne in mind, that we have studied rather an easy and popular arrangement, than a regular and philosophical classification. Here our chief object is an amelioration of the criminal, and a simplification of the civil code: but lest we might ourselves be hurried away by a wild and random desire for alterations, which however good in themselves, cannot be admitted in the existing state of things, we shall tread steadily and cautiously in the