the "Virginius," under Captain Fry. The "Virginius" put out from Kingston, Jamaica. The capture of the "Virginius" and the summary execution of American citizens by the Spanish authorities so excited this nation at the time that war with Spain seemed certain. This was one of the most notable incidents in Cuban history, at least in point of American interest. Had the popular voice been heeded at that time a peaceful solution of the difficulty would have been impossible. Feeling ran so nigh throughout the country that public meetings were held all over the country denouncing the execution as a butchery, and warlike preparations were begun in many cities. In some cases ships were prepared to go to sea in anticipation of an immediate declaration of war. Tragic End of the Expedition. The voyage of the "Virginius" was begun in November of 1873. The steamer was pursued by the Spanish warship "Tornado," and captured within sight of the Morant Point Lighthouse, at the east end of Jamaica. She was towed at once into Santiago de Cuba, despite the fact that she was flying the Stars and Stripes and was in British waters. Fifty-three of her men were shot in a public square in Santiago, in some instances after they had been given a trial lasting only ten minutes. Among them was Captain Joseph Fry, who commanded the ship; Bernade Varona, W. A. C. Ryan, Jesus del Sol and Pedro Cespedes. There was no United States cruiser within reach of Santiago, but the British man-of-war "Niobe" arrived in time to prevent further slaughter of American and English subjects. Her commander, Sir Lam bon Lorraine, acted with quickness and determination. "Shoot another Englishman or American," he said, "and the Niobe wiil bombard the city." Then the slaughter ceased. Both the United States and England protested through their representatives, and sent men-of-war to protect the other prisoners. The survivors were delivered up to the rescuing ships and brought to New York, and the "Virginius," with a hole in her bottom, sank off Frying Pan Shoals. The return of the survivors and an accurate knowledge of the details of the shooting only served to fan into fierce blaze the fire of popular indignation. The general voice was for war with Spain, and General Sickles, then American Minister in Madrid, had already asked to be recalled, and was preparing to leave the capital. Finally, however, the matter was adjusted diplomatically. The Spanish Government paid an indemnity for the American subjects shot with General Ryan and Thomas Ryan, and the war cloud blew over. But in Cuba the revolutionsts continued their fight for supremacy. For five years—until 1878-they strove against terrible odds in the centre of the Island and in the mountains. At last they saw that the lack of arms and supplies and of money to purchase either had made the struggle a hopeless one, and they decided to make peace. Promises of Reform by Spain. A treaty was signed, by which Spain granted the native Cubans certain liberties, promised to reform their administration in some measure, and recognized the freedom of all the slaves who had fought in the Cuban army. It had been a long and desperate fight. Quesada had been succeeded as Generai-in-chief by General Thomas Jordan, formerly General Beauregard's chief of staff and a West Pointer. He lent much strength to the cause, but abandoned it as hopeless after a year's campaigning in the face of overwhelming odds, and with a few arms and scant supplies. After him came Agramonte, but he died in a year, and then, when the rebel cause seemed to be prospering, General Gomez took command. He invaded the western part of the Island and almost reached Matanzas, but he, too, saw that he could not gain ground with unarmed men and withdrew his forces. That was in 1876, and from that time the revolution waned until the treaty of El Zanjon in February, 1878. Still there was not entire quiet. In the east end of Cuba General Maceo refused to recognize the treaty, and continued to fight for eleven months, only to fail in the end and be driven from Cuban soil. The treaty concessions were by no means liberal enough to maintain ɔrder for any length of time. In 1880 General Garcia tried again. He was captured in 1875, but before surrendering shot himself under the chin, the bullet passing out at the forehead. He was sent to a fortress in Spain, and when he recovered made his escape to the United States. Here he and Jose Marti , planned another expedition to Cuba. They landed and held their ground for six months, only to find that the country was not ripe. for revolt. The Cubans, weary of continual turmoil and bloodshed, longed for quiet. At last Garcia was captured and sent once more to Spain. From this time nates the autonomist party, started by a group of men who maintained that experience would not justify further attempts to gain freedom for Cuba by force of arms, and that the Island's hope lay in peaceful measures alone. The party gained a footing very rapidly; in- Late President of the Revolutionary Party. deed, its existence and doctrine had much to do with the failure of General Garcia and the Cuban party of freedom. JOSE MARTI, Despite the efforts of the peace party, however, there were revolutionist leaders who were ready to try again. In 1884 Generals Gomez and Maceo visited the United States and Central America with a view of preparing for another invasion. The movement was opposed bitterly by the home-rule party in Cuba, and was abandoned. Small and ill-advised attempts at revolution followed from time to time after that, notably those headed by Limbano Sanchez, Benitez and Aguero. The home-rulers, in the meantime, were attempting to get what concessions they could from Spain by peaceful means. In 1890 they became restless again. The peace policy did not prosper. Cuba was growing uneasy again. The concessions, smali and unsatisfactory at all times, began to be regarded as sops which Spain distributed to main rain peace. They gave no promise of more liberal treatment in future. Men began to say that the native Cubans were cheated at the polls, and in time their representatives went to the Cortes no more. For fourteen years the home-rulers, led by such men as Govin Montoro, Figueroa, Fernandez de Castro and Giberga, had made most vigorous fights at the polls, and, notwithstanding conservative frauds, had sent their best orators to the Spanish Parliament. It was to no purpose. The home-rulers spoke to empty benches in Spain, and no party there recognized them. They succeeded, nevertheless, in forcing the conservatives in Cuba to modify their policy and aided manfully to complete the emancipation of the negro, following the Cuban Constitution, which declared that "all men are free." With the economic party they forced the government to celebrate the Spanish-American treaty, without which the fate of the Island was sealed. Divided on Important Questions. The conservatives divided into two groups, one leaning toward union with the Cubans on economic questions and hoping secretly for the annexation of Cuba by the United States. They were demoralized by the refusal of the liberals to go to the polls, the autonomists having declared that unless the obnoxious suffrage laws which gave the Spaniards a sure majority at the polls and disfranchised the Cuban rural population were abolished, they would never go to the legislative assembly again. The Spanish liberals really formed the economist party, to obtain commercial concessions and secure a treaty with the United States, and by joining hands with the Cubans they forced Spain's hand in the matter. But this, like the other efforts to restore quiet and content, proved a failure. The Cubans complained that in return for the treaty and its benefits to the Island Spain imposed new taxes, which more than counterbalanced all the good that had been done. Representatives were sent to the Spanish Parliament again, the home-rule contingent demanding, as of old, electoral reform sufficient to guarantee just representation. |