Don Manuel A. Balmaceda was tried by court martial for having published an editorial paragraph relative to the shooting of medical students. The newspapers have been allowed to discuss public affairs theoretically; but the moment they denounce any abuse or the conduct of any official they feel the hand of their rulers laid upon them. The official organ of the home-rule party, " El País," has undergone more than one trial for having pointed in measured terms to some infractions of the law on the part of officials, naming the transgressors. In 1887 that periodical was subjected to criminal proceedings simply because it had stated that a son of the president of the Havana "Audiencia" was holding a certain office contrary to law. Right of Public Meeting Denied. They say that in Cuba the people are at liberty to hold public meetings, but every time the inhabitants assemble, previous notification must be given to the authorities, and a functionary is appointed to be present, with power to suspend the meeting whenever he deems such a measure advisable. The meetings of the "Círculo de Trabajadores" (an association of workingmen) were forbidden by the authorities under the pretext that the building where they were to be held was not sufficiently safe. In 1895 the members of the “Circulo de Hacendados" (association of planters) invited their fellowmembers throughout the country to get up a great demonstration to demand a remedy which the critical state of their affairs required. The government found means to prevent their meeting. One of the most significant events that have occurred in Cuba, and one which throws a flood of light upon its political regime, was the failure of the "Junta Magna" (an extraordinary meeting) projected by the "Círculo de Hacendados." This corporation solicited the co-operation of the "Sociedad Económica" and of the "Junta General de Comercio" to hold a meeting for the purpose of sending to Madrid the complaints which the precarious situation of the country inspired. The work of preparation was already far advanced, when a friend of the government, Señor Rodriguez Correa, stated that the Governor-General looked with displeasure upon and forbade the holding of the great meeting. This was sufficient to frighten the "Circulo" and to secure the failure of the project. It is then evident that the inhabitants of Cuba can have meetings only when the government thinks it advisable to permit them. Against this political regime, which is a sarcasm, and in which deception is added to the most absolute contempt for right, the Cubans have unceasingly protested since it was implanted in 1878. It would be difficult to enumerate the representations made in Spain, the protests voiced by the representatives of Cuba, the commissions that have crossed the ocean to try to impress upon the exploiters of Cuba what the fatal consequences of their obstinacy would be. A Bold Manifesto. The exasperation prevailing in the country was such that the “Junta Central" of the home-rule party issued in 1892 a manifesto in which it foreshadowed that the moment might shortly arrive when the country would resort to “extreme measures, the responsibility of which would fall on those who, led by arrogance and priding themselves on their power, hold prudence in contempt, worship force and shield themselves with their impunity." This manifesto, which foreboded the mournful hours of the present war, was unheeded by Spain, and not until a division took place in the Spanish party, which threatened to turn into an armed struggle, did the statesmen of Spain think that the moment had arrived to try a new farce, and to make a false show of reform in the administrative regime of Cuba. Then was Minister Maura's plan broached, to be modified before its birth by Minister Abarzusa. This project, to which the Spaniards have endeavored to give capital importance in order to condemn the revolution as the work of impatience and anarchism, leaves intact the political regime of Cuba. It does not alter the electoral law. It does not curtail the power of the bureaucracy. It increases the power of the general government. It leaves the same burdens upon the Cuban tax-payer, and does not give him the right to participate in the formation of the budgets. The reform is confined to the changing of the Council of Adminis tration (now in existence in the Island, and the members of which are appointed by the government) into a partially elective body. One-half of its members are to be appointed by the government, and the other half to be elected by the qualified electors, that is, who are assessed and pay a certain amount of taxes. The Governor General has the right to veto all its resolutions, and to suspend at will the elective members. This Council is to make up a kind of special budget embracing the items included now in the general budget of Cuba under the head of "Fomento." The State reserves for itself all the rest. Treated as a Subjugated People. Thus the Council can dispose of 2.75 per cent. of the revenues of Cuba, while the government distributes, as at present, 97.25 per cent. for its expenses, in the form we have explained. The general budget will as heretofore be made up in Spain; the tariff laws will be enacted by Spain. The debt, militarism and bureaucracy will continue to devour Cuba, and the Cubans will continue to be treated as a subjugated people. All power is to continue in the hands of the Spanish government and its delegates in Cuba, and all the influence with the Spanish residents. This is the self-government which Spain has promised to Cuba, and which it is announcing to the world, in exchange for its colonial system. A far better form of government is enjoyed by the Bahama or the Turks Islands. The Cubans would have been wanting not only in self-respect, but even in the instincts of self-preservation, if they could have endured such a degrading and destructive regime. Their grievances are of such a nature that no people, no human community capable of valuing its honor and of aspiring to better its condition, could bear them without degrading and condemning itself to utter nullity and annihilation. Spain denies to the Cubans all effective powers in their own country. Spain condemns the Cubans to a political inferiority in the land where they are born, Spain confiscates the product of the Cubans' labor, without giving them in return either safety, prosperity or education. Spain has shown itself utterly incapable of governing Cuba. To maintain by force of arms this monstrous regime, which brings ruin on a country rich by nature and degrades a vigorous and intelligent population, a population filled with noble aspirations, is what Spain calls to defend its honor and to preserve the prestige of its social functions as a civilizing power of America. Rebellion against Oppression. The Cubans, not in anger, but in despair, have appealed to arms. in order to defend their rights and to vindicate an eternal principle, a principle without which every community, however robust in appearance, is in danger-the principle of justice. Nobody has the right of oppression. Spain oppresses Cuba. In rebelling against oppression, Cuba defends a right. In serving her own cause she serves the cause of mankind. She has not counted the number of her enemies; she has not measured their strength. She has cast up the account of her griev ances. She has weighed the mass of injustice that crushes her, and with uplifted heart she has risen to seek redress and to uphold her rights. She may find ruin and death a few steps ahead. So be it. If the world is so indifferent to her cause, so much the worse for all. A new iniquity shall have been consummated. The principle of human solidarity shall have suffered a defeat. The sum of good existing in the world, and which the world needs to purify its moral atmosphere, shall have been lessened. The peopie of Cuba require only liberty and independence to become a factor of prosperity and progress in the community of civilized nations. At present Cuba is a factor of intranquillity, disturbance and ruin. The fault lies entirely with Spain. Cuba is not the offender; it is the defender of its rights. Let America, let the world decide where rest justice and right. CHAPTER III. Why Cuba Demands Self-Government. E have already seen that there have been in Cuba repeated uprisings and the most heroic and self-sacrificing efforts to obtain independence. Every intelligent reader will conclude that there must have been grave and serious causes for this chronic state of discontent and revolution. We will here allow a prominent, distinguished Cuban, whose intelligence and discernment are not to be questioned, state the case in his own clear and convincing manner. This gentleman is Tomas. Estrada Palma, Delegate and Minister Plenipotentiary "Republica de Cuba." This gentleman says: The cause of the present revolution in Cuba, briefly stated, may be said to be taxation without representation, a phrase certainly familiar to American ears and emphasized by the most important event in the history of the nation, the War for Independence. Is it not quite natural, especially in this progressive age, that an intelligent and spirited people like the Cubans should demand the right to govern themselves, especially in view of the fact that they have always suffered from misgovernment at the hands of their rulers ? For three hundred years, in the early history of Cuba, Spain almost forgot the existence of the Pearl of the Antilles, her attention being turned to Peru and Mexico, the countries of gold and silver. It is said that some of the Spanish officials even forgot the name of the Island, directing their dispatches to the Isla de la Habana. All the laws for Cuba are made in Spain. The annual budget of the Island, that is, the annual estimate of revenue and expenditure, is made in Spain; all the employés in the governmental service on the Island come from Spain. The Spaniards decide just how much money shall be raised by taxes and all the Cubans have to do is, to |