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dence of Ireland on the Crown of England ; and this as well in right of the grant from Henry II. to his son John, as on the authority of Poynings' law, by which no statutes could be made in Ireland unless certified under the King's hand and the broad seal of England. What he points at as the solecism is, that a people should be bound by laws made without their consent. But the alternative, in his view, does not extend beyond complete legislative indepen. dence on one side, and a union on the other. His opinion, indeed, on this latter head, presents a striking contrast to those of the national champions of a later day :-" The people of Ire land," he says, " ought to have their representatives in the parliament of England. And this I believe we should be willing enough to embrace, but it is an happiness we can hardly hope for." The great change in men's minds on this subject at the close of the century arose out of the gradual approximation to that state of complete independence which, in Molyneux's estimate, was compatible with the security of the empire, and from which a legislative amalgamation with the parent - or, as it might then be more justly called, rival country--was as much a descent as, in 1698, it would have been a promotion. Time has exposed the fallacy of Molyneux's reasoning; and the only safe alternan tive has consequently been adopted. This is, however, a subject which will more properly come under our notice at a later period.

It seems strange, and forms a com. mentary on the blinding power of in. veterate political prejudice, that one so fearlessly ready to do battle in de fence of the civil liberties of his coun. try, on the ground of those political maxims he had derived from his great authority, Locke -- asserting as they did, the natural rights of the whole human race never by one allusion or inference touches the case of the Ro. man Catholics, though they constituted the majority of his countrymen. He may possibly have felt that it was imperative on him to avoid the subject, if he would have his tract produce any effect whatever in the quarter he had designed it for. But the probability is, that, with all his philosophy, his

mind was not sufficiently self-sustain. ing to resist the influences of his birth, education, and position, and that, as an Irish Protestant, he durst not ven. ture farther than to disapprove-as he strenuously did - of any violation of existing laws and treaties respecting the Papists, while he quieted his conscience as to their further rights by the usual argument of danger to the public weal, if any concessions were granted in that direction,

Molyneux's book came upon both the Irish and the English public by surprise. In doctrine, in argument, in style, it was so superior to anything that had ever emanated from Ireland upon an Irish subject, that men felt a reflected consequence derived from the qualities of their advocate. The lofty tone assumed with England was as flattering to the national pride as the plausibility of the argument was sti, mulating to its ambition. Everywhere the author was hailed as the champion of a nation's rights, and Molyneux found himself in an instant raised to the summit of popularity, and ranked amongst the benefactors of his country.

The effect in England was very dif. ferent. In proportion as the flame of independent nationality blazed up in Ireland, did that country exhibit symptoms of alarm. She believed that the doctrines thus popularly dissemipated, were the dragon's teeth out of which nothing but mischief could arise. With all her energy, therefore, she set herself to cry down the new opinions, of which, indeed, Molyneux's book was scarcely more than the vivid reflection. In this agitation, the English House of Commons was foremost. We are informed by the Bishop of Derry, that they presented an humble address to the King, wherein they spoke of “the dangerous attempts lately made by some of his subjects in Ireland, to shake off their subjection and dependence upon England, taking also particular notice of the bold and pernicious assertions of this writer."* And he adds, that “ several dabblers in English law and politics looked upon themselves as called to arms." The first draft of the address was couched in still stronger language. It gave great offence to the Protestant party

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in Ireland, which considered this inter. dence of the kingdom of Ireland, and ference as highly unwarrantable and strongly condemned the recent attempt unconstitutional. Plowden makes it of the Irish parliament to re-enact an a merit in the Irish Catholics of the English statute, naming Ireland by period, that they made no attempt to express words. An address to the repudiate, or even to question, their King was prepared and presented; to dependence on the Crown of England. which his Majesty replied, « That he But it may be fairly doubted which would take care that what was comthis negative loyalty was most the re plained of should be prevented and result of feeling, or of total disorganis. dressed as the Commons desired." ation and prostration of energy. The It was plain from all these proceed. scattered remnants of a defeated causeings, that England would not allow the are not the more likely to unite cor- principles of the Revolution to take dially with their conquerors, that they effect in Ireland. The truth is, she abstain from interfering in their could not. To do 80 would be to quarrels amongst each other. The neutralise all that had been doing for snake is torpid till it is warmed. It is securing the country, and would inevi. not human nature to suppose that the tably end in a civil war, and the possi. descendants of the ancient possessors ble break-up of the empire. Such was of the soil, who had been attacked, the natural consequence of the false betrayed, outraged, and enslaved, position in which the two kingdoms could indulge any very strong feelings stood towards each other; in which of kindness towards the race which everything upon the surface was fictistill deemed it inconsistent with their tious and artificial, and everything besafety to admit them to the least of the neath it studiously kept out of view. privileges they themselves enjoyed as To call Ireland a kingdom - the Irish citizens of a free country. We ac- a nation — the Houses of Lords and cordingly dissent, on this head, from Coinmons, with the Viceroy at its Plowden, and refuse to draw any con- head, a parliament - its institutions clusion from the mere fact of an ab. popular--its people free--in the Engsence of open disaffection on the part fish sense of these words, was a delu. of the Catholics within ten years after sion. To have called it a conquered the surrender of Limerick. The va province, though it manifestly was lue of negative evidence in such mat dealt with as such, would have justified ters is tolerably plainly shewn from the measures of government at the the fate of positive protestations in expense of its safety. The party more recent times. The history of which, a century later, went such danthe last century, as regards that body, gerous lengths in the direction of disis little more than the constant renewal tinct nationality, had this to excuse of pledges and the constant infraction them, that they took names which they of them. The lesson to be derived found lying meaningless in the constifrom it is this, that no voluntary obli- tution, and endeavoured to give them gation will ever permanently restrict vitality and significance ; though it the aspirations of a section of the com must be recollected that they well munity towards the attainment of a knew they were never supposed or departicipation in the privileges enjoyed signed to possess them. The revolu. by the rest; and that the point at tions in England had sharply defined which pledges first become secure, is the import of certain words. They that at which they first become need. had explained the terms King, People,

Prerogative, Liberty, beyond the posThe English House of Commons, sibility of further misapprehension. filled, as we have seen, with surprise Accordingly, when Ireland asked to and apprehension, appointed a com have them interpreted in her case, mittee to examine and report upon the imposition so long practised was Molyneux's book. On the 22nd of exposed. England was driven to June, 1698, this committee reported say - we have determined on one the passages containing the dangerous fixed point, united sovereignty. Reaopinions, together with their views as son shows that in order to protect this to the causes which had produced these point from disturbance, there must new doctrines. Whereupon the House be either a community of institutions, voted the book a dangerous one, re- or a subordination of what is kept disasserted the subordination and depen, tinct. Ireland, as such, never has had,


and cannot have, anything uncontrol lably her own. This truth slumbered long - you have awakened it. You have forced us to tell you what we always knew, and what you ought to have known. You have liberty; but it is the liberty to do, not as you please, but as we please. And you are happy in possessing the best guarantee for your safety and prosperity, in the name you are not entitled to, and the insti. tutions you do not possess.

It was by such arguments as these that Molyneux was answered, when argument was used for abuse was much more commonly had recourse to. Two individuals stood prominently out in this encounter - one a barrister, named Attwood; the other a Bristol merchant, of the name of Cary. This latter gentleman boldly maintained from the outset, that the English Go. vernment in Ireland was a Colonial one, and that the Parliament was sim. ply a council for the regulation of internal concerns.* Contrary to ex. pectation, in the contest Cary exhibited powers the man of law could not lay claim to, which gave occasion to the Bishop of Derry to remark, that "the merchant argued like a council - at - law, while the barrister strung his small wares together like a shopkeeper."' At the same time, with regard to the former polemic, we may perhaps be permitted to form our own opinion as to the qualifi. cation of one whose best claim to the confidence of the country whose affairs be meddles in is based on such pretences as are put forward in the following passage : "I am sure I want not good will to the people of Ireland, and I believe no man that hath no concern there can wish thein prosperity more than I do.”! Con sidering that the ingenuous politician had concern in the rival and (on this occasion) hostile country, the admission is much. A very little argument went, however, a great way. The whole feeling of England was against the claim of Ireland ; and the Protestant, or Parliament, party in the latter country were too dependent upon English connexion to press the matter to an open rupture.

Meantime, the man who had stirred

the controversy was himself removed from the scene of strife. Molyneux had never seen Locke. He had, how. ever, confidentially consulted him in the progress of his work; and the feeling of respectful admiration with which he had always regarded the philosopher of the Human Understanding warmed, under the influence of this constant intercourse, into an ardent desire to meet him and enjoy the privilege of his conversation. His constitution bad for some time suffered under a painful chronic malady, for which the surgical science of the period afforded no palliative, and within six months after the publication of his tract, even the journey to England was judged too much for him. Nevertheless, bis desire to meet Locke overcame the prudential remonstrances of his ad. visers and friends, and he crossed the channel in the month of July, 1698. The pleasure of this visit was purchased at the expense of his life. He returned to Ireland in September; on the 9th of October his sufferings caused the rupture of a blood vessel, and on the 16th he breathed his last. Of this honourable and distinguished Irishman it is not our province to speak at large; but the man whom Locke “ was proud to call his friend" was not given to an ungrateful coun. try. The name of Molyneux bas been held in esteem, up to the present time, by Irishmen of every political and religious opinion, for it was unimpeached by a single discreditable imputation, as it was marked by a conspicuous act of fearless and disinterested, if mistaken, patriotism. While his memory was thus consigned to an enduring fame, his book was handed over to the flames of intemperate reprobation. But it was by these clumsy and inappropriate efforts at posthumous persecution that the ideas which could not be burned out gained an added currency and vigour; they rose like incense off the altar of sacrifice, and refused to be dispersed by elements less subtle than themselves.

In the uneventful period which followed the publication and condemnation of Molyneux's book, the policy of the Government, as administered by successive Lords Justices, may be

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best gathered, in the almost total si- of a war-wasted country, found prolence of direct authority, from the tection on his estates in the county of legislative measures these functionaries Limerick, and in himself a judicious promoted in Ireland ; while the dis as well as generous patron. I position of the English people towards In England, Parliament took an that country may be pretty plainly as early opportunity of manifesting as certained by reference to one Act passed well its sense of the new Irish doctrine in the English Parliament relating to of Parliamentary independence, as its it. It was felt that the success of a estimate of the King's management of particular branch of industry, the his Irish acquisitions. A commission Foollen manufacture, interfered with of inquiry was appointed to examine English interests. The object was into the forfeited estates. These estates to remedy this evil, not by encouraging had been considered by the king, notEnglish manufactures, but by discou. withstanding an alleged promise to raging Irish. Something, however, Parliament, $ a convenient and approwas to be substituted, and accordingly priate fund out of which to recomefforts were made to introduce the linen pense and reward those who had made manufacture in the place of that of sacrifices or achieved successes in the woollen. In 1697, the Marquis of cause, as well, perhaps, as to confer Winchester and Lord Galway, the favours upon his own personal friends. Lords Justices, had strongly recom- He had accordingly disposed of most mended to Parliament the encourage- of the lands declared the property ment of Protestant settlers in the of the Crown, in extensive grants country, with a view to the increased to his principal adherents. Now, how. production of this fabric, the revo. ever, that the Whig Ministry had becation of the Edict of Nantes having come unpopular, they felt no scruple caused the emigration from France of a in making an effort to reinstate thembody of skilled artisans of the reformed selves in the public favour by a sacrireligion, who only needed to be directed fice of the King's personal feelings and towards a settlement, to aid in this sense of honour. "It had been the geindustrial reform, now that the de- neral opinion from the first, that at struction of the woollen trade was in- least a portion of the Irish forfeitures evitable. * Sir Thomas Southwell, ought to have been set apart, to reimfollowing in the steps of Sir Richard burse the Exchequer the serious exCox,t lent his best assistance to the pense incurred in the suppression of movement. His pen and purse were the late Irish rebellion, as it was called. unceasingly devoted to promoting the This expression of opinion now swelled cultivation of flax, and a voluminous into an outcry, and the demand on the correspondence is yet extant testi- part of the nation was not only for a fying to his practical ability and in portion, but for the whole. defatigable industry in these patriotic The commissioners, who were seven efforts. To his instrumentality Lis in number, set about their labours burn is indebted for the settlement without delay. It was easy to see that there of the father of the modern linen the Parliament had secured a majority manufacture, Lewis Cromelin, founder of them in its interests. They found of the respectable northern family of that the number of persons outlawed that name; and, at a later period, in Ireland since the 3d of February, a number of Germans of the Palati. 1688, was 3,921. That the lands forDate, who had fled from the miseries feited by them amounted to 1,060,792

* The term is not too strong. The English Parliament having addressed the King on the subject, his Majesty replied, “That he would do all that lay in him to discourage the woollen manufacture in Ireland.”_English Comm. Journ., 2nd July, 1698.

† Cox was said to be the author of " Thoughts on the Bill for Prohibiting the Exportation of the Woollen Manufacture of Ireland to Foreign Parts."-Harris's “Life of Cox." Wills's do., pp. 13-25. Judge Coote was another prominent promoter of the linen manufacture.

1 * Life of Sir Thomas Southwell," in Floyd's Biog. See also the Southwell MSS., in the possession of Messrs. Smith and Foster.

The seventh article of impeachment against Lord Somers contained a charge that he did advise, promote, and procure, divers grants of the late forfeited estates in Ireland, in contempt of the advice of the Commons of England.-Parl. Hist. vol. iii. p. 151.


acres, worth £211,623 per annum. That some of these lands had been restored to the old proprietors by virtue of the Articles of Limerick and Galway, and by his Majesty's favour, and the reversal of outlawries and Royal par. dons obtained (so the Report ran) chiefly by gratifications to such per. sons as had abused his Majesty's royal bounty and commission. Besides these restitutions, which they did not undertake to interfere with though they thought them to be corruptly procured, they gave an account of seventy-six grants and custodiams, under the great seal of Ireland, valued by them at £1,699,343 14s. Od.,* exclusive of a grant of no less than 95,000 acres, valued at £26,000 per annum, to Elizabeth Countess of Orkney, being the entire of the private estates of King James.

Out of the seven commissioners it turned out that four were in the interests of Parliament, and three in that of the Crown. These latter wholly repudiated the finding of the report, and refused to sign it. One of them, indeed, Sir Richard Levinge, was charged with having circulated calum. nies respecting the motives of the ma. jority, which drew forth a vote of approbation of their conduct upon the inquiry, and led to Levinge's committal to the Tower. So strenuous was Parliament in supporting its commissioners, that the Commons passed a vote, that they could not even receive any petition concerning the grants, and then proceeded to address the King in strong terms against them. His Majesty, in his reply, stated that inclination and justice had united to induce him to reward those who had been faithful to his cause--an answer which was supposed by the Commons to insinuate a reflection upon their late acts, and accordingly drew forth a resolution to the effect that whoever had advised it had done all he could to create a misunderstanding and jealousy between the king and his people.f Upon the report of the commissioners an Act of Resumption was passed. By

it the estates were vested in thirteen trustees named in the Act, among whom the four commissioners who bad signed the Report were included. It contained provisoes for exempting cer. tain estates from its operation ;t but these cases were few; and, as a general rule, all grants of lands, reversions and pensions, made since the year 1688, were rigidly resumed. It may easily be imagined how deeply the pas. sing of this Act must have wounded the already irritated sensibilities of William. With Romney, who had been the first to lay the Crown of England at his feet, Parliament did not dare to interfere; but Keppel and Bentinck, associates of his perils as of his triumphs-having shared the former and contributed to the latterand De Ginckle, to whose constancy, skill, and courage, was due the final subjugation of the kingdom out of the forfeitures of which he, if any one, might fairly claim his share, were now, in a few sweeping clauses of hostile legislation, deprived of the reward due to services such as no king and no nation had perhaps ever been called upon to recompense. It was with great difficulty William was prevailed on to give his royal sanction to the bill ; but, once it was passed, he exhibited no outward signs of his displeasure. A baughty silence at the prorogation of Parliament alone gave tokens that the affront was felt.

The blow, nevertheless, was a sore one to William. He can scarcely be said ever to have completely recovered it. It still further exasperated an irritable temper, and made him moody, morose, and inaccessible ; nor was his indignation allayed by the demeanour of the trustees themselves. Constant complaints reached the royal ears of their conduct, as being arbitrary and imperious. Petitions were addressed to him, setting forth, in the strongest terms, that the Act of Resumption had a tendency to injure the Protestant interest, and had been obtained by gross misrepresentations. The whole Privy Council joined in the endeavour

* Amongst these were grants to the Earl of Romney of 49,517 acres; Earl of Albemarle, 108,633 do. ; Lord Woodstock, 135,820 do.; Earl of Athlone, 26,480 do.; Earl of Galway, 36,148 do. † Smollett, vol. 9, ch. vi. sec. 25.

Amongst these, it is satisfactory to find a grant to the children of the deceased Chancellor, Sir Charles Porter.

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