and by its position. In both ways, the Caribbean deserves our attention. That the tropics are to be mastered by modern civilization is evidently the belief of all European powers. They have lavished attention upon Asia and upon the less promising Africa. If the countries of the New World are to share in making the world serve the world's needs, the development of the American tropics is naturally their task. In a peculiar way this responsibility rests upon the United States and the responsibility carries with it great opportunities.

Trade routes have always played an important part in the developments of international politics. The course of trade around the Cape of Good Hope raised Portugal for a brief period to the rank of a world power; England's commerce to the Far East is built upon the control of the Suez Canal; one of the elements back of the great European War was the desire for control of another route to the Orient, and the position of the United States, politically and commercially, among the nations of the world will largely be influenced by the way we handle the responsibilities and opportunities which center in the waters of the Caribbean.

CHAPTER II

GROWING INTEREST OF THE UNITED STATES IN THE CARIBBEAN

I. POLITICAL

FEW citizens of the United States realize the growing influence of their country in international affairs. Since the close of the nineteenth century we have abandoned the position of disinterested spectator of affairs in Africa and Asia and, though we have not adopted in the eastern hemisphere the stronghanded diplomacy which has characterized the great European nations, the opinion of the United States has been asked for and given in political affairs in these continents in which we should formerly have considered ourselves unconcerned. In America, we have taken a much more active part and the preponderance of the United States in the politics of the western hemisphere has been accentuated from year to year.

That this realization of the larger rôle which we might play in international politics comes to us late as a nation has often been pointed out. The explanation is simple; it lies not in any ineptitude of our people for participation in world affairs, but in the fact that our domestic problems were so absorbing that the foreign interests we might have had were pushed into the background. Land was offered to the enterprising, free or

at a nominal cost; our great national resources lay ready to be exploited; our home industries demanded men and capital, and the local market for manufactured goods was greater than the supply. No consistent interest in foreign affairs and foreign trade in particular could be aroused among a people whose economic position demanded so little reliance upon the exchange of products with foreign countries. Such political and economic power as we had in international affairs came to us by force of circumstances, often accidentally rather than through any policy of the Government or vigilant searching for new markets by our merchants.

There were, of course, many who saw ahead to the time when our foreign trade would become highly important for us. They realized the relation which a strong political position may have to the economic life of a nation, but even when in a commanding position, these leaders can hardly be said, except in a few instances, to have had an aroused public opinion back of the policies they advocated. The influence in international affairs which we enjoyed came chiefly because of our inherent strength at home, not because of wide colonial or other political interests.

This condition passed with the end of the nineteenth century. Free land had disappeared about a decade before. Industry was rapidly overtaking the home demand; our growing population, it was seen, would soon reduce our importance as sellers of foodstuffs in the world's markets. Our exports were changing from raw materials to manufactured goods. The time had come

when foreign trade would play an increasingly important part in our national economy.

Since the middle eighties there had been in progress the world over a scramble for territory, which had resulted in the partition of Africa and threatened to bring about the division of China among the great powers of Europe. In this last rush to stake out colonial claims which might develop into sources of raw materials, markets for the manufactures of the home country and, to a lesser degree, areas in which white colonists might settle, the United States had taken no part. Just at the end of the century, it is true, she came into a conflict with Spain, the result of which made her a holder of both Caribbean and Asiatic colonies. This was, however, a development of no conscious imperialism, and one but slightly, if at all, connected with the movement for increased colonial holdings in which the European powers had been engaged.

But to whatever degree the Spanish-American War may be held to have been imperialistic or dictated only by the desire to stop cruel and useless warfare in Cuba, the influence of the new position in which it placed the United States is unmistakable. Coming at a time when our foreign trade was already rapidly increasing, the possession of Porto Rico and our new responsibilities in Cuba did not leave us unaware of the economic and political advantages which we might reap in the Caribbean.

The turn of events brought more clearly to the view of the American people our long historical interest in the Caribbean and its problems. Formerly, this in

terest was explained by the desire for an outlet for the trade of our western states by way of the Mississippi River. Some of our more far-seeing statesmen had declared that just as a fruit when ripe drops to the ground, so Cuba would in due time gravitate toward the United States. Our trade with the British West Indies had been a source of controversy with the mother country until she changed her colonial policies. The efforts of the former colonies of Spain to secure their independence had occupied us periodically through the whole of the nineteenth century. There were, therefore, many incidents and interests, chiefly political, which had made the Caribbean region of interest to us.

Now, however, under new conditions, this region was to occupy a far more prominent position. To the communities of the Caribbean it might be expected our merchants would turn for a market for our rapidly increasing manufactures. The products of those countries were certain to seek the United States market, and though their populations were not of high consuming capacity, still they furnished a market, which on account of its proximity was attractive to us.

Political, as well as economic influences, impelled us to give greater attention to Caribbean affairs. In some cases, these involved disputes between our neighbors and their European creditors, or confiscation of the property of our citizens or foreigners; in other instances, policies of world-wide importance were touched, such as the development of transportation facilities on the Isthmian

route.

Hardly a year now passes which does not see a wid