man Catholics by those who were lately pledged to identify their cause with their own acceptance of office; and your language is to the same effect. In consequence merely of your being chief minister, "without your official interference, indeed with your perfect inaction, the question cannot fail to acquire strength, and to make a moral approach to its consummation.”

That the persons, whom these assurances are designed to satisfy, may really be contented with them, must be the hearty wish of us all. I will not attempt to disturb the harmony between them and you, by giving utterance to any ill-omened apprehensions on this subject. I will only express my hearty satisfaction that you, Sir, thus recognize for yourself not only the duty of abstaining from all official interference in their favour, but also of observing the most perfect inaction on the occasion. In truth, to suppose the contrary, to suppose that you will employ the power of the Crown, its influence and its patronage, in furtherance of a cause to which the conscience of your Royal Master is directly and unalterably opposed,-would be to ascribe a degree of treachery and baseness to you, which I should be ashamed to charge, without proof, on the most unprincipled minister that ever betrayed the trust confided to him.

True it is, that some rather awkward indications of a different expectation have been exhibited by at least one of the principal supporters of your new ministry. An honorable baronet, long known and respected for the uncompromising sincerity of his nature, has spoken of "a departure from the present course of policy in respect to Ireland, as the sine-quâ-non of his support;" and though on entering into an explanation of that rather formidable phrase, he disclaimed all " reference to any present vote on the subject of the Roman Catholic claims," he yet expressly stated that "it had been a sine-qua-non with him-as he believed it was with others-in any new arrangement of Government, that such a course should be taken as would be likely to afford hope and restore tranquillity to Ireland!" Now, when we recollect that the same honorable baronet has repeatedly said that nothing short of the full concession to the Ro man Catholics is the adequate object of their hope, or can give the smallest prospect of their future contentment, it is, I apprehend, quite plain, that he considers himself to have received assurances from the new Government,-in return for the promise of his support, —that some more effectual and decisive course will be pursued, than is indicated by your suggestion of the great moral efficacy which the bare name of a 66 Canning Administration,” “without any official interference," I repeat, nay, "with the most perfect inaction," must have in tranquillizing the Roman Catholics on the one hand, and subduing the prejudices of the Protestants on the other.

True it also is, that certain negociations are known to have been carrying on with the leader of the Irish Roman Catholics, which do not seem quite in accordance with the undeniable claims which your

promise has given us on you and your friends, both new and old. It has been stated on very high authority, that "all is settled with the Irish," a most pregnant intimation;-And within these two days, it has been avowed by a Whig nobleman, of great consideration with his party, and very highly connected both in England and in Ireland,-(if the fact be denied, I shall not be backward in mentioning his name, and place, and the time, at which he made the avowal,)— that he had been in correspondence with Mr. O'Connell, on the subject of the postponement of the (Roman) Catholic question, and that Mr. O'Connell was perfectly satisfied with the explanation his Lordship had given him, and with the reasons for postponing that question to another session."

What those reasons were, I am not so presumptuous as to guess. But we are not left wholly to conjecture. The open-hearted and plain-speaking orators of Ireland have supplied what was deficient in the information afforded by the noble Lord. Even while I am writing, intelligence has arrived, that at an aggregate meeting of the Roman Catholics in Dublin, called by special requisition, on Tuesday last, the same memorable day which gave to the House of Commons your solemn pledge "not to violate the conscience of the King, -to reverence it as you reverenced the conscience of his Father,”— on that very day, Mr. Hugh O'Conor said, that "he felt it his duty to offer a few observations to the meeting, composed as it was of Roman Catholics from various quarters. They had met at an important crisis, and under circumstances with gave them a hope and a promise, that the amelioration of Ireland was at hand; and, consequently, that the interests of the Roman Catholics would be attended to." And Mr. Shiel, in more open and explicit terms, declared-" MR. CANNING AND HIS FRIENDS WILL NOT RELINQUISH THE DETERMINATION, THE MOMENT THEY HAVE ACQUIRED THE POWER, TO DO US JUSTICE. I have not distrust in them; and with respect to the measure which we ought to adopt, I will say but one word, namely, that we ought not to press our petition, but act in such a way, as not to harass and embarrass the men who are still surrounded with difficulties, and who must be allowed time to mature their good intentions towards our cause."

There is a marvellous coincidence in all this with the sine-quà-non of the Honorable Baronet; and altogether, it is quite clear, either that there has been a most important and most widely extended misapprehension on this main subject of discussion between yourself and the great party which has recently joined you, or that there has been a most unexampled degree of duplicity and perfidy in some quarter or another. Considering the high endowments of yourself, and of all who were engaged in the treaty with you, the former part of this alternative is hardly credible; but, on the other hand, cousidering the high honour and scrupulous good faith which must actuate such men on such an occasion, the latter supposition is absolutely incredible. Still, people will talk, and will have their sus

picions; and though it cannot be doubted that the first opportunity will be taken to disclaim the inferences, which the language of the Irish orators, coupled with other matters, seem to force upon us,— yet, in the meantime, questions will be put, and, according to the different notions of individuals, will be answered.

Already it is asked, how many, and who, are the dupes of so foul a fraud? How many, and who, are the destined victims of this unholy alliance? Is it Mr. Canning, or the Whigs?-His former colleagues, or his present ?—The Roman Catholics of Ireland, or the Protestants of England ?-The People, or THE KING?

That all these questions, and all others connected with that great and fundamental principle of our national policy, as well as that best security of our Christian hope,-the maintenance of the Church of England, may receive such answers, as shall be satisfactory to the true friends both of Church and State,-is the hearty wish of him who has had the honor of bringing these considerations before your mind.

I am, Sir, with all the respect,

which is due to your station, to your talents,

and to your public character,

your most humble Servant,

HENRY PHILLPOTTS.

May 7th, 1827.

VOL. XXVII.

Pam.

NO. LIV.

2 Q

ΤΟ

GENERAL SIR HERBERT TAYLOR'S

MEMORANDUM

OF THE

ILLNESS AND DECEASE

OF THE

DUKE OF YORK.

Printed in this No. from p. 431 to 452.

[The Medical Notes are derived from undoubted authority, and the Editor pledges himself to perfect accuracy.]

Page 431.] The first indications of serious indisposition.-Towards the latter end of May, Sir. H. Halford, Dr. Warren, and Dr. Macmichael, had visited His Royal Highness, and held a consultation on the case of the Royal Duke. Amongst the first medicines prescribed were mercurial remedies, which were continued long enough to affect the constitution. On the 18th of June they were left off, though they were afterwards resumed. In the beginning of the following month, a combination of blue pill and squill was again employed.

Page 432.] His Royal Highness removed to Brighton on the 14th August. When His Royal Highness went to Brighton, Dr. Warren left London for the autumn, which was the reason of his discontinuing his medical attendance on the royal patient.

Page 433.] Symptoms had appeared which rendered his situation one of danger.-The symptom which occasioned alarm was a small vesicle that appeared on one of the legs, which began to assume an inflamed and angry appearance.

Page 438.] His Royal Highness underwent the operation of tapping on the afternoon of the 3rd September.-The quantity of fluid