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listen to projects of amelioration, whether they like it or not. It has always been the case, at an epoch of decadence, as when Hadrian removed the god Termimus, from whence Trajan had placed him, that nations have allowed at such epochs mere party questions to take the place and supersede those of real and imperial


The proof of how rapidly an American railroad in the Western States is followed by settlement, is to be found in the astonishing increase in the earnings of some in the course of the last four years. Chicago and North-Western increased, for example, from 2,811,544 dols. in 1863, to 11,532,348 dols. in 1867. Chicago, Rock Island, and Pacific from 1,959,267 dols. to 4,153,281 dols. Southern Michigan from 3,302,543 dols. to 4,613,754 dols.; and Toledo, Wabash, and Western from 1,439,798 dols. to 3,784,816 dols. in the same period of time.

Mr. Waddington, taking the Report of the Union Pacific Railroad Company as a basis for his calculations, and deducting over one half from these, estimates the returns at 1,650,000l., against the American calculation of 5,690,700l., for less than two-thirds of the same distance. This would at once give a dividend of six per centum on a capital of twenty-seven millions. This estimate does not include the produce of sale of lands, nor the carriage of mails, or of precious metals, or for the way traffic with the Cariboo gold mines and the Red River Settlement.

Above all, such calculations do not include the vast development of trade and intercourse which must accompany the opening of such a thoroughfare. When we think that the distance to Sydney from Vancouver Island is, as contrasted with Panama, as seven thousand two hundred to eight thousand two hundred, or one thousand miles less; that the distance between Liverpool and Shanghai by this route will not exceed ten thousand four hundred miles, being less by four thousand than by the Cape, and three thousand six hundred less than by the Isthmus of Panama; that the time from London to Hong Kong would be reduced to about forty days, and that the English trade to China alone amounts to thirty-eight millions sterling, it is easy to see what amount of traffic would soon be running over this new "great highway of nations," with seven hundred millions of consumers in Asia at the terminus—a traffic sufficient to occupy a fleet of first-class steamers on either ocean; and that if the Americans "calculate" a return of fifteen million dollars on an outlay of eighty-five, or seventeen and a half per cent., the dividend on the British line, which is shorter and more directly in communication with the East, may with the utmost modesty be estimated at eight or ten per centum. To all this are to be added the proceeds of an overland telegraph. The telegraph which crosses the desert, from the Missouri to San Francisco on the

Pacific, paid more than the cost of its erection the first year; and there can be little doubt that the proposed line would likewise soon give large and increasing returns, which would be further augmented when submarine lines were laid across the Pacific to China and Japan, and to New Zealand and Australia.

Unfortunately there are in Great Britain a class of anti-colonial theorists, who hold that if the Americans are outstripping us, and are opening a new great highway for nations, which will concentrate the commerce of the world in the United States, we must let them do so rather than spend a halfpenny abroad. These are of the same class of disloyal subjects who would do away with our army and navy to cheapen the poor man's breakfast (when by destroying our commerce they would make it tenfold dearer); would separate church and state, so that all ministrations should be voluntary, and fall into decay; and would cast our colonies and marine shipping to the winds of heaven, so that we should at once not only fall into the condition of a third-rate power, but lay an open and defenceless prey to popery and military invasion or occupation at the same time. Such a policy is openly advocated, nominally in the cause and interests of the working man. The British workman must be far more ignorant than his so-called friends give him credit for, if he does not perceive that, with the loss of our mercantile marine and supremacy at sea, of our colonial and other trade, and the disappearance of capital, with our constitution and Protestant liberties; our factories and enterprise in every direction would follow in the wake, and the working man, instead of being benefited by the said policy, would be utterly ruined and reduced to beggary.

Britain is at the best a small island. Our forefathers have, by their enterprise and industry, working under a constitution which is the envy of the world, made it what it is, by our factories, our foreign commerce, our colonies, and our foreign possessions. All history and experience show that we owe our power, greatness, and prosperity, to our extensive possessions; but all the teachings of history and experience have been repudiated by the new school of politics, which denies that we derive our present prosperity from any such source. Many of them even go further, and, indignant at the thought of any new expense, maintain that England without colonies would be more prosperous than with them! "It is in the nature of things," they say, "that British North America, Canada, and British Columbia, and the trade and control of the Pacific, with all its consequences, should belong to the United States." "We might, perhaps, be taxed to keep them, and therefore we had better make up our minds to give them up at once." A more narrow-minded, erroneous, egotistical, and suicidal policy could not be devised by the most inveterate hater of his country. What thought can such a theorist have for his

children, or for succeeding generations? Let the future be discounted, let Great Britain be brought to beggary and ruin, so that I am spared a penny in the pound; and, after me, the deluge! The only panacea these theorists have to propose for the state of things which they are anxious to bring about, is that of limiting the multiplication of the species. This when, by opening new countries to emigration, we are proposing to constitute millions of new British loyal landowners! Fortunately such theorists do not constitute the majority in the nation, and we hope never will

do so.

Making all reasonable deductions from the exaggerated hopes and pretensions of the Americans, no one in the United States expresses a doubt as to the success of the Central Pacific Railroad; and in San Francisco, such was the influence of the same conviction on the merchants and others, and their confidence in the results, that when Mr. Waddington was there, not above a year ago, palaces, he says, were literally rising up as if by magic. What, he says, must be the feelings of every Englishman, when trying to calculate the consequences of such a commercial revolution! One which, unless counteracted, will at the very onset throw the Chinese trade and that of Japan into the hands of the Americans. The precious metals-the transmission of which to the Oriental ports has been hitherto by way of London-will in future be sent at half cost by this more speedy and direct route; thus making New York and San Francisco, instead of London, the financial and banking centres of the trade of the world. The business of all those of our merchants, who are at present engaged in direct trade with those countries, will be disturbed, if not wrested from them; our communications with New Zealand and the Australian colonies displaced and thrown into foreign hands, and the general inroad into our commerce with the East will sound the first knell of England's decline.

This, too, at a time when Professor Maury, the celebrated American hydrographer, writing upon the commanding geographical position of Vancouver's Island in connexion with the different routes for an overland railroad, has given it as his opinion, which a glance at the map will at once serve to confirm, that "Vancouver Island commands the shores of Washington and Oregon, and whether the terminus of the North American road be on Puget Sound or at the mouth of the Columbia river, the munitions sent there could be used for no other part of the coast, for Vancouver overlooks them. They could not, on account of Vancouver in its military aspects, be sent from the northern terminus to San Francisco and the south; nor could the southern road-supposing only one and that at the south-send supplies in war from its terminus, whether at San Diego or San Francisco, by sea either to Oregon or Washington, Vancouver would pre

vent, for Vancouver commands their coasts as completely as England commands those of France on the Atlantic. So complete is this military curtain, that you never heard of France on the Atlantic sending succours by sea to France on the Mediterranean, or the reverse, in a war with England. The straits of Fuca are as close as the straits of Gibraltar."

What would become of the dominion and of her loyal feelings towards the mother country, adds Mr. Waddington, to this opinion of the American hydrographer, if, after being elevated by England almost to the state of an independent nation, she were to be all at once deprived by our neglect of this communication with the Pacific, as well as of the intervening Saskatchewan territory, both so essential to her development, to her maritime prosperity, her independence-nay, to her very existence. The interests of Canada and British Columbia, however identical with those of the mother country, are generally overlooked or neglected. Yet British America is one in interest, and together with the mother country must be one in purpose, if the danger with which both are menaced is to be averted. For that purpose, the different provinces of British North America must not only be politically united, and that speedily, so as to form a whole, but must at the same time be more directly and intimately connected with each other and with the mother country by means of regular steam communication. By these means British influences would be fostered and maintained, and immigration from the home country promoted; until a friendly but independent power could be gradually developed in British America, which would not only be no longer at the mercy of the neighbouring republic, as some pretend, but would, on the contrary, form an important counterpoise to that of the United States, and constitute an additional guarantee for the peace of the world.

Nor is there anything, we are further told, which is far-fetched in such a prevision, which is fairly justified by the astonishing progress which Canada has made within the last twelve years; a progress greater in proportion, both morally and materially, than that in the United States. In travelling through Canada, one feels at every step that she must become a great nation in spite of all obstacles, and at the same time different in its origin, its associations, its feelings, and character, from that of the United States. Nobody can estimate the value of such a political element, or what such a country may become. As long as that counterpoise on the American continent existed, the power of the republic would be broken, whilst England would be mistress of a surer road to the East than that by the isthmus of Suez, or any other she could possess. But let that weight be thrown into the opposite scale, and the rule of the United States extended over British America, and the balance of power is gone. With North

America, England would lose the West Indies, and be stripped of every point on the Atlantic and Pacific oceans; her commerce and prestige would be destroyed; her very security—with hostile armaments brought a thousand miles nearer to her coasts-endangered, and the peace of the world made a problem dependent on the goodwill or the caprice of the popular assemblies of the United States.

In a debate on the subject in the House of Commons, and in reply to Sir Harry Verney, who, like Lord Lytton, has always taken a deep interest in the question now before us, and who had insisted that the honour, interest, and duty of England alike required that she should take immediate action in the matter, the Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies replied, "He entertained no doubt that ultimately it would become the great thoroughfare of the world to the West, but (alluding to the opening of the Saskatchewan territory) there was not yet sufficient appreciation of its value in the public mind to cause the pressure, that he believed would yet be exerted, to be put upon the government to bring about a settlement of the question." In other words, it was the duty of a constitutional ministry, though convinced themselves, to await the pressure of public opinion before bringing forward such an important measure.

The fault, then, lies with the nation at large in being so wrapt up in party feelings and local interests, as to lead it to neglect more important questions. The fact is, that England, whilst slumbering under the lethargic effects of prosperity, seems not only to have forgotten that it is to her numerous colonies, to the possession of the Indies, and the control of the trade between Europe and Asia, that she owes her wealth and her existence as a great nation, but she seems to think that these must last for ever without any further effort to retain them. In England, every one is so much absorbed in his own affairs, and so habitually ignorant on colonial matters, that if he has, perchance, heard of this Pacific railroad, he neither thinks about it, nor cares about it, still less has he reflected on its consequences; nor can he be brought to believe that the construction of a rival road can be anything more than a foreign question, which, however important to the United States or to British America, can have any influence on the prosperity and the future of Great Britain.

People abroad, as is often the case, take a more general, and, therefore, more correct and enlightened view of the question, and the following extract from the Revue des Deux Mondes shows the importance attached to the subject long before the construction of the "Central Pacific Railway," by a people little interested in it: "England and the United States are both of them fully sensible that the time has arrived, when the sceptre of the commercial world must be grasped and held by the hand of that power which

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