selves opposed to the nomination of any candidate for president who is the representative of or under any obligations to J. Pierpont Morgan, Thomas F. Ryan, August Belmont or any other member of the privilege hunting and favor seeking class. Be it further

"Resolved, That we demand the withdrawal from this convention of any delegate or delegates constituting or representing the above named interests.' [Last paragraph withdrawn.]

Objection was made to immediate consideration of the resolution, whereupon Mr. Bryan moved to suspend the rule and consider the resolution at once. After some discussion and at the request of the delegates from Virginia he withdrew the last part of the resolution asking the withdrawal of delegates. In the course of his speech, which was frequently interrupted by angry protests, Mr. Bryan said:

"This is an extraordinary resolution, but extraordinary conditions need extraordinary remedies. We are now engaged in conducting a convention that will place before the country the democratic nominee, and I assume that each delegate is here because he wants that nominee elected, and it is in order that we may advance the interests of our candidate that I introduce this resolution.

There are questions upon which we may assume the American people are informed. And there is not a delegate in this convention who does not know that an effort is being made right now to sell the democratic party into the bondage of the predatory interests.

"It is a most brazen, impudent and insolent attempt to make the nominee of this convention the bond slave of the men who exploit the people of this country.'

It required a two-thirds vote to suspend the rules and pass the resolution and when it became apparent that this would easily be obtained several of the states changed their vote to yea. The result of the roll call was: Yeas, 889; nays, 196; not voting, 2; absent, 1.

BALLOTS FOR PRESIDENT. Following the adoption of the Bryan resolution, which had thrown the convention into an uproar, nominations for the presidency were in order. Oscar W. Underwood of Alabama was placed in nom. ination by John H. Bankhead of the same state; Champ Clark's name was presented by Senator James A. Reed of Missouri; Henry Wade Rogers of New Haven nominated Gov. Simeon E. Baldwin of Connecticut; John W. Westcott of Camden, N. J., placed Woodrow Wilson in nomination; Senator Benjamin F. Shively of Indiana nominated Gov. Thomas R. Marshall of the same state, and M. A. Daugherty of Ohio nominated Gov. Judson Harmon of the same state. Long demonstrations followed the naming of each candidate, those for Clark and Wilson lasting more than an hour each. This, together with the numerous seconding speeches, prolonged the session, which began at 8 o'clock Thursday evening, to 6:43 o'clock Friday morning, when the first ballot for the presidential nomination was begun. It resulted as follows: Dele

State.

Alabama

Arizona

Arkansas

Wil- Har- Undergates. Clark. son. mon. wood.

24

24

...

Necessary to choice, 726. Marshall received 30 from Indiana and 1 from Michigan. Baldwin received 14 from Connecticut and 8 from Vermont. Ohio cast 1 for Bryan and 1 was absent. One delegate from Wisconsin was absent. Alaska cast 2 for Congressman Sulzer.

The convention, after taking the first ballot, adjourned at 7:14 a. m. to 4 p. m., when the balloting was resumed. It continued without any decisive result until 3:30 o'clock Saturday morning, when an adjournment was taken until 1 o'clock in the afternoon. On the tenth ballot New York cast its ninety votes for Clark instead of for Harmon and for a time it looked as though a stampede would set in for the Missouri candidate. He received 556 votes, which, as announced, was more than a majority, but far short of the required twothirds vote. It was the high water mark of the Clark wave; after that it receded steadily.

The afternoon session continued until 11 o'clock and after a total of twenty-six ballots had been taken the convention adjourned until Monday morning at 11 o'clock. Wilson made a net gain in the course of the day of fifty-one votes. Clark began with 554 and fell to 4632, a loss of 902 votes. When the state of Nebraska was reached on the call of the roll for the fourteenth ballot Mr. Bryan changed his vote from Clark to Wilson, explaining that the latter was his state's second choice. He said in part:

"Every candidate has proclaimed himself a progressive-no candidate would have any considerable following in this convention if he admitted himself out of harmony with progressive ideas. By your resolution, adopted night before last, you, by a vote of more than four to one, pledged the country that you would nominate for the presidency no man who represented or was obligated to Morgan, Ryan. Belmont or any other member of the privilege seeking, favor hunting class.

"This pledge, if kept, will have more influence on the result of the election than the platform or the name of the candidate. How can that pledge be made effective? There is but one way, namely, to nominate a candidate who is under no obligation to those whom these influences directly or indirectly control.

"The vote of the state of New York in this convention, as cast under the unit rule, does not represent the intelligence, the virtue. the democracy or the patriotism of the ninety men who are here. It represents the will of one man-Charles F. Murphy-and he represents the influences that nominated a republican candidate and which are trying to dominate here. If we nominate a candidate

under conditions that enable these influences to say to our candidate, 'Remember now thy creator,' we cannot hope to appeal to the confidence of the progressive democrats and republicans of the nation. *** Speaking for myself and for any of the delegation which may decide to join me, I withhold my vote from Mr. Clark as long as New York's vote is recorded for him."

While Mr. Bryan was making his explanation he was frequently interrupted and the convention was in such an uproar that he had difficulty in making himself heard. Twelve of the Nebraska delegates voted for Wilson and four for Clark. While the effect of the change was not very apparent on this or the other ballots taken on this day, it was understood that Speaker Clark's chances had practically vanished, and he himself afterward said that Mr. Bryan was responsible for his defeat.

Balloting was resumed when the convention opened at noon on Monday and continued until 12:43 o'clock Tuesday morning. The feature of the session was the continuous growth of the Wilson vote. On the thirtieth ballot Wilson for the first time passed Clark, his vote being 460 to 455 for the speaker. On the thirty-ninth and fortieth ballots the New Jersey candidate received 501% votes, the highest number so far cast for him.

When the thirty-third ballot had been completed and the delegates were awaiting the announcement of the result some of the Missourt delegates appeared with a banner, on which was an inscription quoting Mr. Bryan as having said in 1910: "I have known Champ Clark for eighteen years. He is absolutely incorruptible and his life is above reproach. Never in these years have I known him to be on but one side of the question and that was on the side that represented the people."

The

1122 30

18.

..535

361

125 30

19

.532

358

130

30

20

.512

388 29

121

30

21

..508

3952 29

1182 30

Missouri men carried the banner up to the Nebraska delegates and in front of Mr. Bryan himself. A melee followed, in which blows were struck and epithets exchanged. Mr. Bryan went to the Missouri delegation and asked Senator Stone, the chairman, if "the gratuitous insult just offered has the sanction of Mr. Clark's managers." Another riot followed, in which the police had to protect Mr. Bryan from personal violence. Later, when some degree of quiet had been secured, Mr. Bryan_arose to a question of personal privilege. Chairman James permitted him to begin his statement, but soon interrupted and, declaring that it was not a matter of personal privilege, denied the Nebraskan the right to continue. The anti-Bryan demonstration was attended by scenes of disorder and violence such as had not previously been witnessed in the convention and was in marked contrast with the favor shown the leader on the previous days.

Forty-two ballots had been taken when the convention adjourned until noon, the last ballot showing 494 votes for Wilson, 430 for Clark and 104 for Underwood, with scattering votes for Harmon, Marshall, Baldwin, Bryan, Sulzer and Kern. On reassembling the delegates took three more ballots without result, though the outcome could be foreseen when on the forty-third ballot Illinois, under the unit rule, cast fifty-eight votes for Wilson. The governor made other gains, swelling his total to 602, while Clark dropped back to 329. The fortyfourth ballot gave Wilson 629 and the forty-fifth made it 633. On the forty-sixth ballot there was a general break in favor of Wilson and he was nominated by a vote of 990 to 84 for Clark and 12 for Harmon. Before the result was announced the vote was made unanimous. The forty-sixth and final ballot was as follows:

46.

Necessary to a choice, 726.

:::::::

422

Sulzer received two on the first and two on the second ballot.

Gaynor received one on the eighth, ninth, twentythird, forty-first and forty-second ballots.

Ollie James received one on the eighth and three on the twentieth and twenty-fifth and one on the forty-second.

J. Hamilton Lewis received one vote on the fortysecond ballot.

MARSHALL FOR VICE-PRESIDENT. After Chairman James had officially declared Gov. Wilson the nominee of the democratic party for president the convention, at 3:35 p. m. on Tuesday, July 2, adjourned until 9 p. m., when the convention resumed work by adopting the platform and choosing a candidate for the vice-presidency. An effort was made to nominate Clark for the second place on the ticket, but he declined the honor. The names of Gov. Thomas R. Marshall of Indiana, Martin J. Wade of Iowa, Gov. John Burke of North Dakota, Elmore W. Hurst of Illinois, Mayor James Preston of Baltimore, Senator George E.

Chamberlain of Oregon and William J. Bryan of Nebraska were presented. Some of these gentlemen declined to be considered in connection withthe position. Mr. Bryan was one of them, and in making what he called his "valedictory speech" said: "To-night with joy I surrender the standard I have borne in three campaigns to the nominee of this convention, and I challenge any one to say that it has ever been lowered in the face of the enemy." Gov. Marshall was nominated on the second ballot by the following vote:

NOMINEES.

For president-Eugene Wilder Chafin of Arizona. For vice-president-Aaron Sherman Watkins of Ohio.

The national nominating convention of the prohibition party was held in the auditorium on the steel pier at Atlantic City, N. J., July 10-12, and resulted in the nomination of Eugene W. Chafin of Arizona for the presidency and Aaron S. Watkins of Ohio for the vice-presidency on the first ballot. Four candidates for president were placed in nomination against Mr. Chafin. They were F. W. Emerson of California, Finley C. Hendrickson of Maryland, Aaron S. Watkins of Ohio and Andrew Jackson Houston of Texas. Each of these withdrew his name when it appeared on the first ballot that Chafin was supported by a majority of the delegates. The same thing occurred after the first ballot on the vice-presidency, Mr. Emerson of California, Felix T. McWhirter of Indiana and George E. Stockwell of New York, who had been placed in nomination, withdrawing their names.

V. G. Hinshaw of Portland, Ore., was chosen national chairman to succeed Charles H. Jones of Chicago, and Mrs. Frances E. Beauchamp of Lexington, Ky., was made secretary.

PROGRESSIVE.

Chicago, Aug. 5-7.
OFFICERS.

(Temporary and permanent.)

Chairman-Albert J. Beveridge, Indiana.

General secretary-Oscar King Davis, Washington, D. C.

Chief assistant secretary-Wilson Brooks, Illinois. Sergeant-at-arms-Chauncey Dewey, Illinois. Number of delegates, 1, 100 (about); voting strength, 534. NOMINEES.

For president-Theodore Roosevelt of New York. Nominating speech made by William Prendergast, New York; seconding speeches made by Jane Addams, Illinois; Col. T. P. Floyd, Florida; Judge Ben Lindsey, Colorado; Gen. Horatio King, New York; John H. McDowell, Tennessee; Henry Allen, Kansas; P. V. Collins, Minnesota; John J. Sullivan, Ohio; Robert S. Fisher, Oklahoma; Alexander T. Hamilton, Georgia, and ex-Gov. L. F. C. Garvin, Rhode Island.

For vice-president-Hiram W. Johnson of California. Nominating speech made by John M. Parker, Louisiana; seconding speeches made by C. S. Wheeler, California; James R. Garfield, Ohio; Frederick Landis, Indiana; Raymond Robins, Illinois; Bainbridge Colby, New York; Gifford Pinchot, Washington, D. C.; William Flinn, Pennsylvania; F. R. Glud, New York, and Gov. Robert S. Vessey, South Dakota.

The national nominating convention of the seceding republican faction, officially designated as the progressive party, was held in the Coliseum, Chicago, Aug. 5, 6 and 7. All the states in the union except South Carolina were represented by delegates to the number of more than 1,100, the voting strength, however, being limited to 534. There were no important contests and, as the nominations were unanimous, there were no roll calls. The naming of Theodore Roosevelt for president was a foregone conclusion and caused no surprise. There was some talk of making either Judge Ben Lindsey of Colorado or John M. Parker of Louisi ana the candidate for the vice-presidency, but the sentiment of the delegates crystallized in favor of Gov. Hiram W. Johnson of California and he was nominated without opposition. The features of the convention were the "keynote" speeches of Theodore Roosevelt and Chairman Beveridge, the barring of certain negro delegates from the south and the appearance of a woman-Miss Jane Addams of Chicago-in the role of seconding the nomination of Mr. Roosevelt.

The committee on rules made a report, which was adopted by the convention, that the name of the new organization should be the "progressive party." It was also decided on the recommendation of the same committee that the basis of representation at the next national convention shall be one delegate for each congressional district, and in districts where the party vote is greater than 5,000 one ad ditional delegate for each additional 5,000 votes or

SOCIALIST LABOR.

Adopted at New York city, April 10. The programme of the socialist labor party is revolution-the industrial or socialist republic, the social order where the political state is overthrown; where the congress of the land consists of the representatives of the useful occupations of the land; where, accordingly, government is an essential factor in production; where the blessings to man that the trust is instinct with are freed from the trammels of the private ownership that now turn the potential blessings into a curse; where, accordingly, abundance can be the patrimony of all who work, and the shackles of wage slavery are no more.

In keeping with the goals of the different programmes are the means for their execution.

The means in contemplation by reaction is the bayonet. To this end reaction is seeking, by means of the police spy and other agencies, to lash the proletariat into acts of violence that may give a color to the resort to the bayonet. By its maneuvers it is egging the working class on to deeds of fury. The capitalist press echoes the policy, while the pure and simple political socialist party press, generally, is snared into the trap.

On the contrary, the means firmly adhered to by the socialist labor party is the constitutional method of political action, backed by the industrially and class consciously organized proletariat, to the exclusion of anarchy, and all that thereby hangs.

At such a critical period in the nation's existence the socialist labor party calls upon the working class of America, more deliberately serious than ever before, to rally at the polls under the party's banner. And the party also calls upon all intelligent citizens to place themselves squarely upon the ground of working class interests, and join us in this mighty and noble work of human emancipation, so that we may put summary end to the existing barbarous class conflict by placing the land and all the means of production, transportation and distribution into the hands of the people as a collective body, and substituting for the present state of planless production, industrial war and social disorder, the socialist or industrial commonwealth-a commonwealth in which every worker shall have the free exercise and full benefit of his faculties, multiplied by all the modern factors of civilization.

SOCIALIST.

Adopted at Indianapolis, Ind., May 17. The socialist party of the United States declares that the capitalist system has outgrown its historical function and has become utterly incapable of meeting the problems confronting society. denounce this outgrown system as incompetent and corrupt and the source of unspeakable misery and suffering to the whole working class.

We

Under this system the industrial equipment of the nation has passed into the absolute control of a plutocracy which exacts an annual tribute of millions of dollars from the producers. Unafraid of any organized resistance, it stretches out its greedy hands over the still undeveloped resources of the nation-the land, the mines, the forests and the water powers of every state in the union.

In spite of the multiplication of labor saving machines and improved methods in industry which cheapen the cost of production, the share of the producers grows ever less, and the prices of all the necessities of life steadily increase. The boasted prosperity of this nation is for the owning class alone. To the rest it means only greater hardship and misery. The high cost of living is felt in every home. Millions of wage workers have seen the purchasing power of their wages decrease until life has become a desperate battle for mere existence.

Multitudes of unemployed walk the streets of our cities or trudge from state to state awaiting the will of the masters to move the wheels of industry. The farmers in every state are plundered by the increasing prices exacted for tools and machinery and by extortionate rent, freight rates and storage charges.

Capitalist concentration is mercilessly crushing

the class of smail business men and driving its members into the ranks of propertyless wage workers. The overwhelming majority of the people of America are being forced under a yoke of bondage by this soulless industrial despotism.

It is this capitalist system that is responsible for the increasing burden of armaments, the poverty, slums, child labor, most of the insanity, crime and prostitution and much of the disease that afflicts mankind.

Under this system the working class is exposed to poisonous conditions, to frightful and needless perils to life and limb, is walled around with court decisions, injunctions and unjust laws and is preyed upon incessantly for the benefit of the controlling oligarchy of wealth. Under it also the children of the working class are doomed to ignorance, drudging toil and darkened lives.

In the face of these evils, so manifest that all thoughtful observers are appalled at them, the legislative representatives of the republican, democratic and all reform parties remain the faithful servants of the oppressors. Measures designed to secure to the wage earners of this nation as humane and just treatment as is already enjoyed by the wage earners of all other civilized nations have been smothered in committee without debate, and laws ostensibly designed to bring relief to the farmers and general consumers are juggled and transformed into instruments for the exaction of further tribute. The growing unrest under oppression has driven these two old parties to the enactment of a variety of regulative measures, none of which has limited in any appreciable degree the power of the plutocracy, and some of which have been perverted into means of increasing that power. Antitrust laws, railroad restrictions and regulations, with the prosecutions, indictments and investigations based upon such legislation, have proved to be utterly futile and ridiculous.

Nor has this plutocracy been seriously restrained or even threatened by any republican or democratic executive. It has continued to grow in power and insolence alike under the administrations of Cleveland, McKinley, Roosevelt and Taft.

In addition to this legislative juggling and this executive connivance the courts of America have sanctioned and strengthened the hold of this plutocracy as the Dred Scott and other decisions strengthened the slave power before the civil war. We declare, therefore, that the longer sufferance of these conditions is impossible and we purpose to end them all. We declare them to be the product of the present system, in which industry is carried on for private greed, instead of for the welfare of society. We declare, furthermore, that for these evils there will be and can be no remedy and no substantial relief except through socialism, under which industry will be carried on for the common good and every worker receive the full social value of the wealth he creates.

"Society is divided into warring groups and classes, based upon material interests. Fundamentally this struggle is a conflict between the two main classes, one of which, the capitalist class, owns the means of production, and the other, the working class, must use these means of production on terms dictated by the owners.

The capitalist class, though few in number, absolutely controls the government-legislative, executive and judicial. This class owns the machinery of gathering and disseminating news through its organized press. It subsidizes seats of learning -the colleges and schools-and even religious and moral agencies. It has also the added prestige which established customs give to any order of society, right or wrong.

The working class, which includes all those who are forced to work for a living, whether by hand or brain, in shop, mine or on the soil, vastly outnumbers the capitalist class. Lacking effective organization and class solidarity, this class is unable to enforce its will. Given such class solidarity and effective organization, the workers will have the power to make all laws and control all industry in their own interest.

All political parties are the expression of economic and class interests. All other parties than