its crest. A division of the Portuguese army, led on by Sir William Carr Beresford in person, was closely engaged at its base, nobly rivalling the feats in arms of their British Allies.

As we pressed on towards this interesting scene, a mounted officer, in Portuguese staff uniform, galloped towards us from the front, shouting at the top of his voice," A surgeon, a surgeon-a British surgeon!" In an instant I was at his side, and recognised him to be Colonel Warre, one of the Marshal's Aides-de-Camp. "Follow me," were the only words pronounced by him, as he wheeled round his charger, and again spurred him towards the line of fire.

After a few minutes' gallop we drew up at a covered waggon, to which the Colonel pointed with eagerness as he dismounted. I had already drawn the curtains of the vehicle aside, and perceived that it contained two persons: one in the uniform of a serjeant, the other I immediately recognised as the Marshal himself. He was lying on his back, dressed in a blue frock-coat and white waistcoat. Just below the left breast was a star of blood, bright and defined as a star of knighthood. It was about the size of that chivalrous decoration, and occupied the exact spot where it is usually fixed. There was a small rent in its centre, black and round. The eyes were half-closed; the countenance in perfect repose, perhaps a little paler than when I had last seen it.

The situation of the wound just over the very fountain of life; the stillness of the wounded General; the appearance of his companion, whose lower limbs were literally mashed; the Commander-in-Chief and the non-commissioned officer laid side by side, silent, motionless, and bloody;-all struck me at the moment as a prelude to the equality of the grave. I asked no questions, for I had come to the conclusion that there might be no tongue to move in answer. In an instant the Marshal's dress was torn open, and my fore-finger, that best of probes, was deep in his side. Not a muscle moved, not a sound was uttered; I felt the rib smooth and resisting below, whilst the track of the bullet led downwards and backwards, round the convexity of his ample chest. I now spoke for the first time since I had entered the waggon, and said, General, your wound is not mortal." This observation of mine, which I made quite sure could not fail to be particularly interesting to my patient, seemed to have been heard with perfect indifference; for without taking the slightest notice of the very agreeable intelligence I had just communicated, he looked up and asked, "How does the day go?" "Well," said I, "the enemy has begun to give way." "Hah!" rejoined the Marshal," it has been a bloody day."

During this brief conversation, I had traced the course of the ball by a reddish wheal, which marked its trajet, and I felt the missile itself deeply lodged in the flesh of the left loin. The preliminaries for cutting out were arranged in a moment, and the Marshal had turned on his right side, when the wounded Serjeant, having by this time, as I suppose, disovered my trade, began most lustily to call upon "Nossa Senhora" and the Doctor in the same breath. I requested of him, in his own language, to be silent; telling him, at the same time, that his General was lying wounded by his side. Upon this the Marshal turned round his head, and with a reproving look, said to me, "Sir, if that poor fellow's wounds require dressing more than mine, dress him first."

Both the words and the manner in which they were spoken,

made a strong impression on me at the time, and impressions stamped on the field of battle are not easily erased. I assured his Excellency that nothing but amputation could be of any service to the Serjeant, and that I had not the necessary instruments by me for such an operation.

All parties were again silent, and I proceeded to cut out the bullet. My knife was already buried in the flesh, its point grating against the lead, when the Marshal feeling that I had ceased to cut, and calculating, perhaps, that my steadiness as an operator might be influenced by the rank of my patient, again turned round, and with as much sangfroid as if he had been merely a spectator, said in an encouraging tone, "Cut boldly, Doctor; I never fainted in my life;" almost at the same instant I placed the bullet in his hand.

When the wounds had been bound up, the patient demanded what steps he should next adopt. To this I replied that it would be prudent to have himself bled after some hours." But who is to bleed me?" quickly rejoined the Marshal. I was in some measure prepared for this question, and had already determined on the course I should follow.

From the moment I had recognised the Commander-in-Chief of the Portuguese army lying wounded in a waggon, close in with the enemy, and had ascertained that his wound was not necessarily mortal, I saw that my being on the spot, at such a moment, might lead to my promotion. A fair, unimpeachable opportunity of tendering fresh services to him on whom the accomplishment of my ambition seemed to depend, was now afforded me. But such is the influence of an unflinching, unaffected firmness of character in a chief over those below him, and such the impression left on my mind by what I had just witnessed, that I felt convinced I should establish a higher place in the Marshal's good opinion by remaining in the fight, than by volunteering to leave it, even for the purpose of attending to his own wound. I, therefore, respectfully submitted to his Excellency, that my regiment was then probably in action; that I should be sorry to be out of the way, when my friends and comrades might need my assistance, and that I hoped he would be kind enough to permit me to join them. " Most certainly," was the reply.

I saw no more of the Marshal for many weeks, and when I had the honour of being again presented, I found him very ill, suffering much from inflammation in his side, and a profuse discharge from his wounds, kept up, as was afterwards discovered, by some portions of woollen cloth, which the bullet had carried forward from the breast of his coat, through the loose folds of which the missile had passed before it entered the flesh.

In quitting the Marshal on the field, under the circumstances and with the impressions I have just described, I followed the course most consonant to my feelings, my sense of duty, and even my views of my own interest at the time. Whether I judged rightly upon the latter point or not, certain it is that when I appeared in the next great battlescene at Vittoria, the following year, I had already, for some months, filled the station of Staff-Surgeon in the Portuguese army.

London, 2nd April, 1831.

D. B.

ON CONDEMNING SMUGGLERS TO SERVE IN THE FLEET.

TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE THE COMMISSIONERS FOR EXECUTING THE OFFICE OF LORD HIGH ADMIRAL.

MY LORDS, The interest which your Lordships have taken in every thing which relates to the welfare and concerns of the British Navy, and which has been so recently evinced after your accession to office, induces an old officer to hope you will not think him presumptuous in bringing before your Lordships' notice, a subject which has been long felt by the whole service, not only as the greatest degradation, but also as being most injurious both to its discipline and welfare. I allude to the practice of sending smugglers, sentenced to banishment for a violation of the laws of their country, to serve on board His Majesty's ships of war in commission.

The stigma which must consequently be attached to such a custom, does in fact place the British seaman on a level with felons-and has long been felt, though silently, yet not the less acutely, and the seamen naturally ask what they have done to merit so severe and cruel a reflection.

It is impossible that the Lords of the Treasury can be aware of the serious blow it is to His Majesty's naval service, and what the feelings of the captains and officers are at seeing their ships so degenerated as to be converted into gaols. The sailors feel it, if possible, more severely than even the officers, from being obliged to mess and associate with men who have been convicted as felons.-It damps the pride and ardour both of officers and men. Common sense and experience point out, that men so sent on board must be expected to take advantage of any opportunity that may occur to sow the seeds of discontent and sedition. This dangerous custom was first resorted to during war, when England had a very large navy in commission, and when seamen had become so scarce that it was difficult to man the fleets, and they were glad to get any description of persons. Such times plead an excuse for sending on board ships of war any men who had been bred to the sea; besides which, in war, smugglers were not so numerous, and your fleets being very considerably larger than on peace establishments, it was not of so much consequence. But now, when British seamen are so abundant, that they are starving in the streets for want of employment, it is unjust and cruel to deprive them of their bread, by forcibly putting into their situations men whom the law regards as convicts, and thereby, instead of relieving the seamen, adding to their miseries and distresses, and that at a time when seamen should receive every encouragement to enter into your ships of war, instead of those of foreigners;-besides, reconciling men to your ships of war in peace, might, in a great measure, if not wholly, do away with the necessity of pressing in time of war, and at all events greatly reduce or assist in abolishing by degrees the necessity for corporal punishments; but this can never be expected to take place so long as discontented and desperate characters are sent on board, and that against their will, to serve as part of the ship's company. In short, both Reason and Justice are against the continuance of such an unjust practice; and if the wel

58 ON CONDEMNING SMUGGLERS TO SERVE IN THE FLEET.

fare of the British Navy is of any consideration, there cannot be one reason brought forward in support of this custom. A very heavy and disagreeable responsibility attaches to the officers from having charge of a set of smugglers whenever a ship arrives in port, where the companies of all ships of war, both English and Foreign, go on shore on leave. The orders received with the smugglers are such, that to prevent their escaping, they are put in irons every night, which gives the impression to our countrymen and foreigners, that the greatest tyranny and oppression exist on board British ships of war, and gives seamen such a dread of our naval service.

In the army, military delinquents, that they may not disgrace any regiment, are formed into a separate corps for the coast of Africa; but in the navy, civil delinquents are forced upon them, as if the welfare, credit, and purity, of the British Navy were not of equal importance to that of the army. Happily the day is gone by, and it is to be hoped for ever, when the Board of Admiralty was so degenerated as to be formed by what was called a nursery for young statesmen.

The Navy hailed with joy and satisfaction the appointment of His Most Gracious Majesty, as Lord High Admiral; and the Navy, always neglected till then, now see with the greatest delight four naval Lords and one naval Secretary appointed to that Board, and the eyes of both seamen and landsmen are watching what will be the first steps of a Board composed of five professional men towards bettering the condition of the service, and putting it on a footing suitable to the dignity of this great country. If your power to do good and benefit the country is equal to your kind intentions, we shall not be disappointed. Your Lordships are capable of judging of the hardships and degradation of the grievances here complained of. If the authority of the Admiralty is so circumscribed as not to be able to prevent British men-of-war from being made a receptacle for convicts, and that in a time of profound peace, as every part of England is now about to benefit by obtaining a reform-if an appeal is made to the highest powers in behalf of the grievances of the seamen, it is impossible that they would refuse to extend the same indulgence to the British Navy which is going to be extended to every individual on shore; and the great interest which the liberal and high-minded nobleman at the head of the present Administration has ever taken in our Naval service, makes me feel confident that we should have his Lordship's support.

In making this appeal, it is only with the sense of public duty to the service to which I have the honour to belong, and trust, for the honour of that service and for the good of the country, and for the sake of British seamen on whose behalf it is made, that it will not be made in vain.

I am, my Lords,

Your Lordships most obedient and faithful servant,
JOHN PHILLIMORE.

The Ray, Maidenhead, 15th March, 1831.

THE BRITISH CAVALRY ON THE PENINSULA.*

BY AN OFFICER OF DRAGOONS.

THE short campaign terminating with the battle of Corunna, forms an epoch in the Peninsular war. It was called disastrous, and perhaps such is not altogether an undue epithet; the blame was naturally laid to the charge of the gallant chief; considering, however, the circumstances of the case, we cannot accuse the Government of speaking very strongly on the subject. The officers of the crown naturally wished to shift the opprobrium from their own shoulders, where we candidly think it ought to rest; but with this opinion we have no wish to accuse those ministers of high crimes; they were mistaken as to the state of Spain; they mistook popular feeling for physical power and warlike capability; they were not happy in their choice of political agents; from some of their military emissaries they received valuable information which they disregarded; and this was to be expected, for having fixed upon Spain as a good field on which to oppose the overwhelming power of the French, in which they probably judged correctly, and having determined to seize on the opportunity offered by the patriotic insurrection, they overrated the power of the patriots, and sought only the advice which a man wishes who has made up his mind -confirmation. The disasters of Gallicia have been greatly overrated; the retreat was rapid, and the army, in some measure, disorganized; but not more than might have been fairly expected with so young an army; perhaps not more than occurred in the retreat from Burgos, when our army had become accustomed to war. But taking a fair view of the subject, what was the loss? what the sum and substance of the disaster? The enemy could boast of no military trophy; neither British gun nor standard fell into their hands; no officer of distinction was taken. It is unnecessary to except Major Napier, who was left for dead on the field of battle.

In the petite guerre, we were eminently successful; the chosen squadrons of the enemy had gallantly attacked and had been bravely repulsed, while in the numerous affairs of posts, the French could not boast of one favourable issue. During the course of retreat from Astorga to Lugo, when the rear was most closely pressed, the enemy never gained even the most trifling advantage, and when the campaign was closed by the battle of Corunna, the British army, suffering from sickness and exhaustion, in great want of shoes and many other necessaries, victoriously repelled the attack of an army superior in every arm, especially in that of artillery, the French having delayed the attack till the arrival of a numerous battery, which did great execution, and among its effects, was the immediate cause of the heavy loss we sustained in the gallant Moore.

The fear of fatiguing the reader prevented us from commencing this sketch of cavalry actions by an inquiry into the comparative matériel of the British and French cavalry. He must, however, submit to the infliction, and may, perhaps, find a mere statement of facts with which he is well acquainted. We also find a difficulty in speaking of the

Continued from page 310, Part I. for 1831.