sometimes in a State, as in Vermont, Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, New York, &c., we find in the recorded doings of these parties, some indications of the remaining life of freedom. But in the national councils, however much proof some individuals may give, that their hearts yet yearn for a better state of things, these parties, as such, continually strive to rival each other in doing homage to the great American Idol-SLAVERY. For its glory they now vigorously prose cute an invading war upon Mexico. By this crowning act of abomination, they demonstrate before the universe, that they are joined to this detestible idol.

66 LET THEM ALONE."

Do not cease to pray for them, nor to remonstrate with them by the way-side, and by the fire-side, at home and abroad, by night and by day, at the family altar, and at the ballot-box, from the press, and from the pulpit. But if you would unequivocally and effectually bear your testimony against their idolatry, "let them alone;" that is, leave them. Be not joined with them in sympathy and action. This remonstrance they will understand and feel. If you stay with them, as you may be disposed to plead, to do them good, you sanction their idol worship.

The influence of this, your sanction, is the more deleterious, in proportion as you have the reputation of being an anti-Slavery man. For, if such an one as you, with all your love of human rights, in your national politics bow down to Slavery-the legitimate retort of its determined supporters, and expedient apologists, will spontaneously burst forth in this scorching question-"After all, do you think Slavery so very bad?"

2. If the Constitution of the United States is pro-Slavery, then we ought not to uphold the government which is based upon it. If the Constitution is itself pro-Slavery, then an oath to support it, is an oath to support Slavery. Anti-Slavery men can not take such oaths, nor ought they by their votes to place their fellow men where they will be required to take them. A man may as well do the horrid work himself, as by his vote to elect another man to do it. Those, therefore, are consistent with themselves, who say, that because they regard the Constitution as being pro-Slavery, they can not aid in its support, and consequently, can not accept of office, nor assist in electing others to office

under that Constitution. We do not admit that such are right in their premises: we only say, these act consistently with their conclusions. The principles which we deduce from the expression, "Ephraim is joined to idols, let him alone," does sustain the consistency of those who argue, that as the Constitution and the government are both pro-Slavery in their fundamental principles-both thus joined to the idol, therefore, our duty is, "let them alone."

Though it may be deemed by some an objectionable digression, yet the writer can not consent that this article should pass from his hands, at this critical time, in the affairs. of our country, without distinctly recording his own clear and deliberate conviction, that the Constitution of the United States is not pro-Slavery, but is a noble anti-Slavery charter; and if, as some claim, it does contain some implied concessions to Slavery, yet the prominent and indisputable principles of the preamble are such, that an oath to regard these, is in fact an oath to utterly disregard any construction of any part of the Constitution, which construction gives the least countenance to infringement on the inalienable rights of man.

3. We should not remain in such ecclesiastical relations, as at this day of light, continue to give countenance to Slavery. They sanction the system, if they extend christian fellowship to slaveholders. This endorsing of the church, is the strongest support which Slavery can receive. In a sermon preached in 1845, the Rev. Albert Barnes says"That will be a slow work of reformation which will be undertaken against any thing that has the sanction of the church of the living God, for God meant that the church should occupy a prominent place in every effort to deliver the world from sin." It is evident, therefore, that when church organizations continue to fellowship the supporters of Slavery, and thus exhibit that in their organized capacity they are joined to this idol, it is our duty to let them alonethat is, to withdraw from such perverted organizations..

The Rev. Daniel A. Clark says, (Sermons, Vol. 1, p 123,) "Fast as any vice shall cease to have its abettors in the house of God, it must go down. And when the church shall use her whole influence she will be able to control the manners of the world, and make and rectify the public conscience."

4. We are to sustain no relations, nor sentiments, nor practices, by which we shall countenance those who obstinately cleave to sin.

The fact that many good men have done so, or even are now doing so, is no excuse for us. If a man has evidence to satisfy his own mind, that a specific course is sinful, let him not encourage it by maintaining approving relations to it, though he may have the precedent of respectable usage for

centuries.

5. This subject warns all to beware of being joined to idols, for destruction awaits such. If any are so joined to idols: that God in faithfulness and mercy, warns all good men not to have participation with them, it is because their overthrow is at hand. We must sever ourselves from every species of idolatry, relinquishing self, that idol of the unsanctified heart, and then will the Lord feed us as a lamb in a large place.

ARTICLE LXXI.

SKETCH OF THE LIFE OF REV. WM. COCHRAN, formerly Junior Editor of the Oberlin Quarterly Review.

BY REV. S. D. COCHRAN, HIS BROTHER.

Rev. Wм. COCHRAN was born in Westmoreland County, Pennsylvania, May 4th, 1814. When about a year old, our parents emigrated to Ohio, and settled near Fredericktown, Knox County, where our mother still resides.

From a very early period in his history, he evinced the possession of those superior endowments, which, although still in the morning of their development when he died, had, notwithstanding, already displayed a power and brilliancy possessed by few. There was a readiness, a point, a spirit, a peculiarity in his remarks, his questions, and his replies, which elicited general attention and numerous predictions of future distinction.

It is somewhat remarkable that, although his earliest intellectual developments were so marked, and he was taught to read at a very early age, yet it was not till about his 14th year that he assumed a love for books. Previous to that period, he seemed almost wholly indifferent to any kind of reading, and spent most of his leisure time in constructing, or attempting to invent various kinds of mechanism. About that time, a Lyceum was organized in Fredericktown, of which I was a member. My brother accompanied me to its meetings but two or three times till he began to feel the stirring of his genius within him. One evening he heard a young friend of mine declaim Phillip's Speech on the Character of Napoleon. As soon as the Lyceum was adjourned, he went directly up to the young declaimer, who had a volume of Phillip's Speeches with him, and purchased it on the spot, paying for it about all the money he had in the world. For weeks, this volume was literally his vade me cum, it was in his hands late and early; it went with him to the fields, and was read and re-read till it was nearly all com mitted to memory. As we used to thrash in the barn, the end of which stood directly against the road, hundreds of times, long before they arrived opposite, and after they had

gone past the barn, did those who went along the road hear Phillip's Speeches thundered within. From the evening referred to, he was always an insatiable reader; everything else was abandoned for knowledge. He and some other boys about his own age, forthwith organized a Lyceum of their own, which they sustained wish great interest and improve ment, declaiming, debating, speaking extempore, until, perhaps about two years afterwards, they disorganized and joined the original Lyceum. Here, his keen insight into the various questions discussed, his logical ability and skill, his facility of expression-all beyond ordinary for his yearssoon gave him rank among the most interesting and valued of its members.

In reflecting on the influence and results of that Lyceum, I cannot refrain from pausing to express my conviction respecting the utility of such associations. Of those, at that time connected with the one referred to, a majority of the young men have since become educated and highly valuable members of society. Four at least of them became ministers, one of whom was my brother; four or five, lawyers; two or three, physicians; while the other members generally are highly intelligent and worthy citizens. But, beyond the circle of its own members, its influence extended to the general community, stimulating a desire for knowledge, and habits of inquiry, reading and reflection. I believe that Lyceum still continues. Let it be perpetual.

But to return; in the course of a year or two, my brother's mind began to take a critical direction. Made aware of his powers, he soon began to cherish high aspirations. He believed himself capable of the highest attainments, and the eye of his youthful ambition rested on nothing lower than the summits of political eminence. Dazzled by the gorgeous glories which, to such an eye, crown those summits, it was not long that he had gazed on them, before he resolved to reach them. Being under the necessity of laboring on the farm for at least two or three years longer, he devoted his spare time principally to study and reading in reference to his chosen career, looking forward to the day when he would be at liberty to give himself wholly to its prosecution. But ere that day arrived, he had substituted for it an infinitely nobler pursuit.

From the period when he determined on pursuing the course referred to, he almost wholly discarded reading the Bible, and rushed rapidly into scepticism. This was, doubt