institutions is too formidable to leave room to doubt that, in countries subject to their influence, very little progress can be made for the present: coupled with this, the resistance on the part of the higher classes to popular sentiments, in countries not comprised under this leaden despotism, may be considered as forming nearly as potent an obstacle to the growth of freedom as the resuscitated remnant of the Holy Alliance itself.

If I am not misinformed, the bulk of the richer inhabitants and noble families in the leading states of Germany (certainly in Prussia, Hanover, Saxony, and Bavaria) entertain a decided aversion to admitting the element of "representation" into the machinery of state government. Now, therefore, when we hear of certain kings being disposed to grant concessions to popular demands, it should always be borne in mind, that in doing so they alienate the main body of their adherents among the upper ranks in the country, and find, in these, unwilling ministers of any line of policy tainted with the sin of a democratic tendency. When this general fact is remembered, together with another, namely, that the mass of the people in Germany is both untrained to political action and ill-provided with individual organs or leaders, it must appear hopeless to expect German social amelioration to proceed, save at a terribly slow rate. Still, I believe it does proceed, and that in spite of Austrian influence; and now the question suggests itself, why is Austria suffered to weigh like an incubus upon civilization and human development? Has she a friend among the Western family of Europe? No, I answer; not one at heart. But her

position in the map, involved as it is with everlasting traditions of bygone transactions, treaties, "understandings," protocols, &c., mixed up with indefinable apprehensions of "losing the key to the East" if Austria ceased to bar the road to Constantinople,— all these and many more mysterious associations have so hedged the old empire round about, in the minds of red-tapists of the highest order, that her genuine character, or the mischief her rule generates to the millions subject to it, never counts for anything in discussions bearing on Continental polity, among her contemporaries.

This ancient, time-honoured nuisance, thus continues to bear sway; thanks to the superstitions embodied in her existence, and to the instinct of sympathy which enlists every lover of absolute government in her preservation. Nay, her very resurrection, after the expulsion of her presiding genius Prince Metternich, in 1848, was the fruit of too respectful an attachment to ancient rights and forms on the part of popular chiefs, who were thereby withheld from pushing the advantages they had gained.

Among the motives, however (for they are multiform), which concur in maintaining the power of Austria, is the desire to keep on foot an antagonist force as against France in Europe. Whatever one may wish as regards the maintenance of good and amicable relations with that near and powerful neighbour of ours, nothing is more clear than that we ought "never to trust her out of our sight." The extreme sensitiveness of the French people on the side of national importance, not to say vanity, enables their governors to turn to account their foible, on

occasion, often at perilous cost: with such a weak side, it is natural to apprehend that our neighbours would clap up an alliance with any power who should offer them the tempting bait of an "arrondissement de frontière," or who would do homage to their greatness" in any other, even less substantial way. The fact is, that the French nation is in too unsettled a state to be counted on for any purpose beneficial to the interests of mankind. They will be persuaded to do anything-march anywhere-repudiate no matter what principles of political morality—if they but hear the old watchwords "French influence," "legitimate ascendancy," "glory of the French arms," and so forth. For who can ever forget, much less forgive, the monstrous application made of newly-established republican powers, on these pretexts, to the extinction of nascent independence and republican government in Rome?

That unpardonable act of the French rulers was, indeed, I much fear me, far from offensive to the nation itself: at least, I know that some of its most estimable citizens, including, for instance, M. Léon Faucher and M. Alexis de Tocqueville, viewed the employment of French bayonets to force the Pope upon an unwilling people as a suitable, nay, a praiseworthy act, even of a government owing its existence to the popular breath.

But to return to the general aspect of the European world as it now stands. From France small anticipations are to be cherished of co-operation in the work of progress. Whatever disposition may animate the masses of that nation, her present ruling classes have too great a fear of the encroachments of

the popular element to encourage new efforts at reforming social abuses. They would rather, in fact, accept the friendly support of some old despotism than that of a republic of any kind. It is tolerably evident, then, that from no existing government can the partisans of political reformation look for support, or even countenance. From England it is not likely to attend them-and I say this without meaning to cast blame on this nation for withholding it; the peculiar position in which she is placed in reference to France being of itself a serious ground for observing a discreet neutrality in the affairs of other countries. France and England might, indeed, newmodel the greater portion of these, if they could cordially agree upon fundamental principles. But how can this be hoped for, after the hateful crusade of the former in behalf of a crumbling priesthood, whose rule, already fallen into contempt and odium among its own subjects, was confessedly unsuited to the altered tone of sentiment prevalent in the modern world? What common action can there be on the part of the French and English people, after such a manifestation of attachment to the old doctrine of "divine right" on the part of a government of yesterday? There is no knowing on what mutual foundation we are to base our alliance, in short. And thus the idle dream of a cordial co-operation between the two countries melts away into thin air; and England turns to the more comprehensible, though ugly-looking partnership afforded by the alliance of Austria, as better calculated to help her in maintaining order in Europe.

The two great elements now arrayed against each

other are, democratic doctrines, and resistance by the actual depositaries of power to their encroachments.

How the conflict will finally end, is perhaps not difficult to foresee. But the phases it may have to pass through before the opposing forces come to a stand-still, will derive their complexion and importance from the individual actions of existing governments. And the interest one feels in the progress of this vast struggle arises from watching the conduct of these, month by month. The popular party naturally make blunders, and will commit more; whilst the reigning parties divide their tactics between concession and duplicity: and concession oftentimes proves an illusion; witness the Austrian and Wurtemberg Governments' retractation of those which were made in order to recover their position in 1848. If the French Revolution gave, as it seems it did, the first shake to absolute government throughout the Continent, it is not from that quarter that any farther help is to be expected to the Liberal cause; and though its enemies the sovereigns are alarmed, and their fears lead them to make terms with their subjects here and there, the powerful armies of Russia and Austria will probably overwhelm all resistance, should the spirit of revolt become sufficiently general to call for the employment of so extreme a measure.

The hopes of advancing in the path of reformation, then, depend on the peoples keeping within the limits of this necessity their manifestations of dissatisfaction. And thus a grumbling underground portentous note of change may be all that the present generation are destined to witness. A silent revolution, however,