not stagnant, being constantly fed by the stream running through this valley; and as we walked about the gardens we saw the water discharging itself by a gentle cascade, which I presume never ceases, since it is fully supplied at this driest of all seasons.

The interior of the château offers little to describe. We saw the state apartments alone, including the chapel; for, as is usual in all ancient noble establishments, the Duc de Luynes keeps his family priest, and has mass said daily. There are few pictures of mark, and none of any pretension to merit as works of art, in the rooms we passed through; though I am inclined to believe there are pictures in the Duke's possession worth looking at, as he is reputed to be not only fond of the arts, but given to encourage artists. The only object of interest in the way of modern art was a statue of Penelope fallen asleep over her spindle; very creditably executed, by a French sculptor. In a kind of crypt, enclosed within iron-bound doors, we were shown a silver statue of Louis the Thirteenth, in light armour, hat and feather; life size, taken at the age of fifteen or sixteen perhaps. This work, which is cleverly designed, was intended as a mark of grateful homage on the part of a Duc de Luynes towards the founder of his fortunes; the first Duc de Luynes having risen to greatness from the condition of a poor Italian gentleman, named Alberti, through the favour of that monarch. He married into the Montbazon family, refusing an alliance with the niece of the King, Mademoiselle de Vendôme; and his family may be considered as ranking among the most honourable of the nation. The present head of the family has the reputation of possessing all those

qualities which grace high birth and station. Aiming at no great political importance, he employs his ample fortune in cultivating the arts, (he has the finest private collection of medals perhaps in the kingdom,) in promoting philanthropic undertakings, and in rendering useful services to those who need his generous assistance; a high-bred personal bearing conferring the last charın upon a character otherwise entitled to respect and love,-in short, a French Ellesmere.

I have no more room, so will close my sheet. Accept this sketch for what it is worth.

THE WAR FROM AN UNPOPULAR POINT

OF VIEW.

LETTER

I.

Beaconsfield, 26th November, 1855.

SIR,-In Sir Arthur Elton's letter which he addressed

to

you last week, he asks "Where do the advocates of war propose to stop?" It seems to me nowise difficult to answer this query. The "advocates" doubtless propose to "stop" nowhere short of their avowed end; which, as all English people know, or may know, consists in putting a check upon the power of the Czar in the South of Europe. Whether this be accomplished by driving Russia out of the Crimea, or by destroying her Baltic fortresses, or by gradually exhausting her resources, is not material. We shall assault and batter her in every way in which our armies and fleets can be employed to cripple and injure an enemy, with the view to compel her to accept such conditions of peace as the Western Powers deem available to the declared purpose,— namely, the prevention of aggressive acts towards Turkey, as well in Asia as on the Continent of Europe.

Thus much for the avowed aims and ends of this gigantic war. Now, then, I would beg to inquire who are the parties most interested in keeping Russia out of Turkey? Is it not the Turks themselves, who have in fact shown that they are able and willing to

repel Russian invaders? They repulsed the Russians on the Danube, forcing them to retire, after a series of defeats, beyond the Pruth: and has not Omar Pasha beaten them at Ingour; and has not the army of General Mouravieff received a complete discomfiture by Turkish troops before Kars? If I am told that the repulse of the Russians may prove merely a temporary advantage, and that, without foreign assistance, Turkey will after no long interval succumb to renewed attacks, I rejoin, that it is not competent for a nation to go to war simply because she regards some other nation as likely to grow too formidable. If Russia has designs upon Constantinople, it would be easy for the Western Powers to watch her, and to furnish Turkey with means and appliances calculated to defeat such designs. That is, supposing it of vital importance that Turkey should be upheld in her integrity; a point which I will concede, if only for the sake of following out the views of the War party and canvassing their merits.

Now, having conceded this, I will pursue the inquiry as to what European peoples, apart from the Turkish, are interested in preserving the dominions of the Sultan intact. Is it the Jewish or Christian subjects of the Sultan? I doubt it. The majority of the subjects of Turkey in Europe feel no attachment to the Porte, by whose officials they are oppressed and insulted, and treated as inferior beings. Surely the example of Russian rule, as exhibited under the mild, just, and prosperous government of Prince Woronzow over South Russia, for the last nine years, up to 1854, must have had its effect in disposing those various races-over whom the Sultan

reigns equally with Turks proper-to regard the advent of the Russians as anything but a misfortune. And, to say the truth, all impartial lookers-on must confess that the administration of which Odessa is the head-quarters offers a pleasing contrast to that of the Mahometan prince. Lord Stanley, with much frankness, recently exclaimed, "God forbid we should be fighting for Mahometanism!" Taken on its own

merits, no humane Englishman ought to do so. But neither would I have him fight to exterminate Mussulmen, as such. The Mahometan creed is there, with all its attributes, and its civil disabilities as enforced against such of the subjects of the Porte as profess Christianity, a dismal spectacle enough for an European, certainly, but one which is conveniently lost sight of when we talk of "fighting for the independence and civilization of nations," as is now commonly done at our public dinners and meetings in England.

In calling the attention of a warlike friend to these inconsistencies on our parts, he replied, "Yes, I allow that to uphold the actual régime in Turkey would not, properly speaking, appear to be promoting the civilization and independence we talk so much about: but, you see, we intend to press humane and equitable changes upon that Government; changes calculated to strengthen its hold upon the various fractions of its subjects, and to improve its internal position."

Now to the force of this plea I demur, on two grounds. Firstly, because I conceive that the real power of the Sultan would not be reinforced, but rather the contrary, by letting in the Christian element, thereby arousing violent jealousy in the