lic service, or much less of officers of the army, navy, or other departments who gratify foreign rulers and princes by the mere discharge of ordinary service. Congress should be permitted to occupy itself in more important business than in suspending a wise constitutional provision in order to enable one of its republican officials to display a royal gewgaw.

We have seen that the present which the Spanish government tendered to General Pinckney in 1795, and which Congress withheld from him, was a gold snuffbox; also that the British plenipotentiary attending the conferences at the close of the Napoleonic wars received as presents twenty-four snuffboxes of the value of one thousand pounds each. These richly jeweled boxes were the diplomatic fashion a century and more ago, but the fashion has changed. As a reminder of the olden time, Sir Charles Russell, afterward Lord Chief Justice of England, the British senior counsel in the Bering Sea arbitration at Paris in 1893, a great collector of historic snuffboxes, carried a precious one and was constantly offering its contents to his colleagues.

But, as Prince Henry's list of presents shows, snuffboxes have given place in diplomacy to cigarette cases. No longer is the old diplomat's advice, already quoted, applicable, to "take snuff often and slowly." The prise from the bejeweled box is now displaced by the cigarette, and the diplomatist collects his thoughts and prepares his replies amid the slowly curling smoke of Turkish tobacco.

An unimportant exception is made to the rule of the government not to give presents to foreigners, in the

permission granted to our embassies and legations in some of the capitals of Europe to give gratuities to certain sub-officials, messengers, or servants attached to the royal palace or foreign office for attentions or services rendered; and a special allowance is made therefor by the department. These are generally given on presentation of the envoy and at Christmas or Easter. It is related of the wife of a newly arrived American minister at one of the courts that she was greatly touched by the delicate attention of the receipt of a beautiful bouquet fresh from the royal gardens; but much of the aroma was taken away when she was informed that it was merely the reminder of the royal gardener that he was not to be forgotten when the legation gratuities were distributed.

The inconvenience which sometimes results from the distribution of these gratuities is illustrated by an incident of my residence in Russia. An audience of the emperor had been arranged for me to deliver an autograph letter from the President tendering his condolence on the assassination of Alexander II. For the same day an audience had been fixed for a minister of one of the smaller European countries to present his letter of recall. The audiences were to take place at Gatchina, one of the imperial country palaces, and my colleague asked to accompany me, and that my chasseur or official servant might also act for him.

We were taken in great state in an imperial railway carriage, met at the station by a cavalry escort and carriages, assigned rooms in the palace for rest and preparation for the audiences, and when these were termi

nated we were entertained at a state luncheon. While I was resting in my room and awaiting the hour of our departure, I heard a violent altercation in the hall outside and sent my chasseur to inquire the cause. He reported that my colleague, the▬▬ minister, was quarreling with the butler and other servants as to their fees, he charging them with extortion. I knew from past experience that every one, from the commander of the cavalry escort to the last servant that opened a door for me, would not refuse a douceur, and I had charged my experienced servant to arrange matters to the best advantage. My more economical companion, in discharging that necessary duty himself, had fallen into trouble.

Diplomats are not the only personages who have to pay for their royal entertainments. The monarchs who are entertained by their "cousins," the rulers of other countries, in the royal palaces, find it an expensive hospitality. For instance, it has been authoritatively stated that the late King of Holland, a short time before his death, spent forty-eight hours at Buckingham Palace. The presents which he felt obliged to distribute among the members of Queen Victoria's household amounted to eighteen thousand dollars, gifts which were regarded by the recipients not as favors, but as perquisites.

Mr. James Russell Lowell related to me an incident of his residence as minister at Madrid, to illustrate the matter of diplomatic dress and gratuities. On the occasion of a royal fête day Mr. Lowell repaired to the palace, attired in plain evening dress, as was the custom of American ministers at such ceremonies. The carriage of the minister from one of the republics of Central

America preceded his. Owing to the poverty of its treasury this republic had accepted the services as its representative of a retired resident Spanish merchant, who performed gratuitously the light duties of his post because of its social privileges. On such occasions, the royal stairway, famous throughout Europe for its architectural beauty, the pride of the Spaniards, was lined on each side at every step with the royal guard in gala uniform, and at each of several landings there was stationed a giant halberdier holding a huge mediæval battle-axe.

As Mr. Lowell ascended the stairway, the Central American minister, gorgeously appareled in a brilliantly gold-embroidered uniform with jeweled sword, was saluted at each landing by the magnificent halberdier with a heavy whack of the battle-axe on the marble pavement, which resounded through the arches. As Mr. Lowell passed the landings he received no attention, as he bore no insignia indicating his office. Although a very modest gentleman, he was, as the world knows, an intense American, and as he passed from one landing to another and heard the echoes of the salutes to his colleague preceding him, his patriotic blood began to boil, and at the last landing he addressed the halberdier in good Spanish, "Do you know who I am?" Of course the soldier had to respond, "I do not." "Well," said Mr. Lowell, "I am the minister plenipotentiary of the United States of America, the greatest nation on the earth, and if you don't whack the next time I pass you, I will forget you at Christmas!"

CHAPTER VIII

IMMUNITIES OF DIPLOMATS

THERE are certain immunities or privileges extended to diplomatic representatives under international law and practice which grow out of and are a necessary part of their representative character. These immunities were much greater two and three centuries ago than they are to-day. Formerly, not only were their houses and carriages exempt from all local jurisdiction, but in many capitals an extensive quarter of the city in which their residences were located was under their control and free from even police supervision, and thus became an asylum from local justice and a refuge for criminals. They enjoyed not only all personal exemption from legal process for themselves and all residing within their quarter, but they exercised the right of judgment and consequently of life and death over the members of their suite; they claimed to be in no way responsible for their debts, and they carried their freedom from jurisdiction and taxation to most extravagant lengths. But like the forms and ceremonies which formerly attended the ambassadorial service, these privileges have been greatly diminished, and are now exercised within reasonable limits.

In general terms, it may be stated that diplomatic agents or representatives are subject only to the law of