Standing, and correct the heart. He is admirable as an author, and he was venerable as a man.

We must do Dr. Langhorne, and his brother, the juftice to obferve, that they have tranflated one of the most valuable books of antiquity, of which we never had a good translation.

Amiot, abbé of Bellozane, published a French tranflation of Plutarch's Lives in the reign of Henry II. and from that work it was tranflated into English in the time of queen Elizabeth. This was not a translation from Plutarch, nor can it be read with pleasure in the prefent age. Befides, in Amiot's time, the Greek text of Plutarch was extremely corrupt; a correct edition of his works was not printed in Europe, till that of Paris, in 1624. Another French tranflation of this author was published by Dacier, far fuperior to the former in elegance and accuracy. After the old English translation, no other appeared till the time of Dryden. That great man was obliged by his neceffities to head a company of tranflators, and to lend the fanction of his name to a tranflation of Plutarch, written, as he himself acknowledges, by almost as many hands as there were Lives. There certainly was never a greater literary difparity than the conjunction of Dryden's labours with those of his miferable affociates; who, in the Lives which they undertook, committed all the blunders which can be supposed to refult from ignorance and dullnefs. Some of them, who pretended to follow the original, miftook its meaning; fome tranflated from the Latin fcholiaft; and others unacquainted with Latin, as well as Greek, were obliged to substitute Amiot for Plutarch. Unqualified to write in their own tongue, they perverted the English into the idiom of the language from which they tranflated. The structure of their periods is uncouth; their expreffions are deftitute of fpirit and elegance. An edition, with emendations of the former, was published in 1727; and another, more improved, was printed in 1758. But to a man of abilities and tafte, it is lefs difficult and tedious to make a new translation, than to correct the errors of a bad

one.

From the review of paft attempts, it appears, how much we have wanted a good English translation of Plutarch. What the public owe to the new tranflators, we fhall next examine with impartiality and freedom. But we must first let the gentlemen fpeak for themfelves, and exhibit the plan of their tranflation.

< Senfible that the great art of a tranflator is to prevent the peculiarities of his author's language from stealing into his own, they have been particularly attentive to this point, and have generally endeavoured to keep their English unmixed with Greek. At the fame time it must be obferved, that there is frequently a great fimi

I 3

larity

to change his fervants, if he find them unfit for their places, than by altering the approved and fettled methods for the dif patch of his bufinefs, to confound the whole courfe of his affairs, and unhinge even the government itself; but I hope these late instructions, and all that hath been done upon them, when the truth comes to light, will be more to my advantage than any thing that hath ever happened. I do wish yourself to take warning by this particular, and not to be over hafty in judging what I do, who have never stirred one inch from the rules I first laid down to myself. Chriftian charity obliges all men to speak well of the dead, and prudence in politicks ought doubtless to engage all his majesty's minifters at home to make favourable conftructions of the actions of those who are employed in foreign fervice, and to delay the giving their judgment of any thing they fee or hear till they know the bottom. I hope Mr. Harbord's over bufy humour will do me no prejudice; I defire you will be cautious of it, and hold him to a plain and direct courfe; in his late letter he hath fully opened himself concerning the matter of Effex-house, viz. that because it did not come through his means, the having of it would be inconvenient to me. I tell you, true it was, that I ever fufpected him to be in the foundation of those obstructions which were given to it, and I have of a good while observed that Mr. Harbord has fo much aimed at the governing all with me, and the being mafter, has made me refufe many things, though indifferent in themselves, only because he proposed them; and this I fhall continue to do so long as I find him obftinate in his way; for of all things in the world I cannot bear it in a fervant to make himself matter. I have nothing further to add, but remain, Your most affectionate brother,

ESSEX.'

With this letter he fends his brother extracts from several of his letters, to justify his conduct. One of thefe extracts, which is part of a letter to lord Ranelagh, fhows him a judicious, difinterested, and bold friend of the publick.

"That which you fay, and which is alfo inferted in his majesty's letter, that an over-payment in fome parts ought to balance the want of performance in others, I cannot, I confefs, altogether agree to: and though his majefty hath in his letter declared his opinion, yet, I conceive, I may nevertheless, with fubmiffion to his majefty's pleasure, offer my fense thereupon. Thefe over-payments ought to be diftinguifhed, and the particular natures of each of them confidered; for I look upon the payments and debts of your lordship's undertaking to be of two forts, and thefe either fuch, as you

under

undertake to discharge by certain gales, and at fuch and fuch precife times, as payments on the establishments, the debts due on the civil and military lifts, or fuch as you are obliged to pay only before Christmas, 1675, as debts to Patrick Arthur, earl of Anglefey, purchase-money for the park, &c. Now, if any of these latter are paid before the end of the term, they ought not to come in balance with those payments, which by the covenants you ought to make at prefcribed times. Then, for his majesty's letters and gifts of bounty, your lordfhip well knows, that much of the mifcarriage of his majesty's business here arofe originally from hence, that divers letters for gifts and gratuities were procured, and thefe were dif charged, and the publick monies left unanswered, which was one of the principal caufes that made way for your lordship's undertaking. Now, if the practice be still to comply with letters of bounty, before neceffary charges and debts due, I would fain know how the kingdom is in a better condition than under the former vice-treasurer, and wherein the publick hath an advantage by the undertaking? Nay, I am fure, his majefty, who is unfatisfied with the actings of the former vicetreasurer here upon this very point, cannot, when he seriously reflects thereupon, be contented with the like dealings in others. Yet, I confefs, there are a third fort of payments, which the neceffity of state obliged his majefty to make; fuch as the extraordinary charges for the regiments maintained. in England and thefe, I conceive, are but reasonable to be allowed; for I cannot but agree, that publick monies may be permitted to balance publick monies; though I fee no ground, why private ones fhould bear the like weight in that scale.'

The two following letters, one to the bishop of London, the other to Dr. Goodman, deferve to be quoted here; they exemplify the fimplicity, the perfpicuity, and ftrength of his language; and they acquit him of that indifference to religion, of which he is accused by history.

To the Bishop of London,

• My Lord, Dublin Castle, Jan. 23, 1674-5. From Dr. Goodman I did, this laft poft, receive an ac count of the great favour your lordship had done him in conferring the rectory of Hadham upon him; and though he be a gentleman very worthy in himself, and whofe merits might well recommend him to your lordship, yet confidering the cir cumstances of the thing, it being the parish where my other house stands, I cannot but attribute a great share of his pre ferment to your lordship's refpect towards me; and do there. fore upon both fcores give your lordship many thanks for this

your

your kindness to him, and own it as an obligation to myself. I have been more than ordinary careful whom I should prefent to the vicarage of Wattford, in regard the people there are, and have ever been (as your lordship well knows), very factious and uneafy towards their minifter; wherefore upon this vacancy I defire your lordship to do me the favour to find out a person that may be fit for this place: I fhould like it well that he be a good preacher, as well as a prudent man, because that when I am in England, I fhall for the most part refide there. So foon as your lordship fhall please to nominate one to me, I fhall fign a prefentation, and fend it over.

I am your lordship's molt faithful,

and moft humble fervant,

Dr. Goodman,

To Doctor Goodman.

ESSEX.

Dublin Caftle, -Jan, 23, 1674-5 • • Your letter of the 6th of January, wherein you acquaint me with the lord bishop of London's kindness to you, came to me on the zoth inftant. I am very glad you are so well provided for, and like it much the better that it falls out to be in that place; and truly I take it extream kindly of his lordship that he thought of you for it, in regard he knew you to be a perfon for whom I had a good efteem. The enclosed letter, a copy whereof is herewith for you to perufe, will tell you that I defire his lordship to recommend a perfon to me to fucceed you in Wattford, by which means Mr. Beveridge, the gentleman you mention, I fuppofe will have it; the only thing I doubt of him is, left having a good living in London, he will spend most of his time there; whercas I would not willingly have Wattford church be without a good preacher, it being the place where I fhall, for the most part, refide when I am in England. As for Mr. Powell, I defire you would speak with him yourself, and let him know he fhall not be forgotten when I have an opportunity; though this parish I conceive requires a man who hath a good deal of experience in the world. By a former letter of yours, you recommended one dean Sherridan to me; I am confident he hath much deceived yourself, and thofe other gentlemen you named in England, into a good opinion of him; for I cannot find but that he is the most improper perfon in the world, for the employment he feeks. I am

Your most affectionate friend,

ESSEX.

Thefe letters were written in the year 1675, when the earl of Effex was lord lieutenant of Ireland; they are all letters of business, and most of them relate to the government of

that

Let arms revere the robe, the warrior's laurel

Yield to the palm of eloquence.

At length he came to commend not only his own actions and Operations in the commonwealth, but his orations too, as well thofe which he had only pronounced, as those which he had committed to writing, as if, with a juvenile vanity, he were vying with the rhetoricians Ifocrates and Anaximenes, instead of being infpired with the great ambition of guiding the Roman people,

Fierce in the field, and dreadful to the foe.

It is neceffary, indeed, for a statesman to have the advantage of eloquence; but it is mean and illiberal to rest in fuch a qualification, or to hunt after praise in that quarter. In this refpect Demofthenes behaved with more dignity, with a fuperior elevation of foul. He faid, "His ability to explain himself was a mere acquifition; and not fo perfect, but that it required great candour and indulgence in the audience." He thought it must be, as indeed it is, only a low and little mind, that can value itself upon fuch at tainments.

They both, undoubtedly, had political abilities, as well as powers to perfuade. They had them in fuch a degree, that men who had armies at their devotion, ftood in need of their fupport. Thus Chares, Diopithes, and Leofthenes, availed themselves of Demofthenes; Pompey, and young Cæfar, of Cicero; as Cæfar himself acknowledges in his Commentaries, addreffed to Agrippa and Mæcenas.

It is an observation no lefs juft than common, that nothing makes fo thorough a trial of a man's difpofition, as power and authority. For they awake every paffion, and difcover every latent vice. Demofthenes never had an opportunity for a trial of this kind. He never obtained any eminent charge; nor did he lead thofe armies against Philip, which his eloquence had raised. But Cicero went quæftor into Sicily, and proconful into Cilicia and Cappadocia; at a time, too, when avarice reigned without controul; when the governors of provinces, thinking it beneath them to take a clandeftine advantage, fell to open plunder; when to take another's property was thought no great crime, and he who took moderately paffed for a man of character. Yet, at fuch a time as this, Cicero gave many proofs of his contempt of money; many of his humanity and goodness. At Rome, with the title only of conful, he had an abfolute and dictatorial power against Cataline and his accomplices. On which occafion he verified the prediction of Plato, "That every state will be delivered from its calamities, when, by the favour of fortune, great power unites with wisdom and justice in one perfon."

"It is mentioned to the difgrace of Demofthenes, that his eloquence was mercenary; that he privately compofed orations both for Phormio and Apollodorus, though adverfaries in the fame cause. To which we may add, that he was fufpected of receiving money from the king of Perfia, and condemned for taking bribes of Harpalus. Suppofing fome of these the calumnies of thofe who wrote against him (and they are not a few) yet it is impoffible to affirm that he was proof against the prefents which were fent him by princes, as marks of honour and refpect. This was too much to be expected from a man who vefted his money at interest upon kips. Cicero, on the other hand, had magnificent prefents fent

him