fallen together; as the capital in the hands
of loan-mongers, Jews, jobbers, and that
tribe has become a drug; more and more
has gradually been invested in manufactur-
ing concerns, until the thing can hardly be
carried further with any hope of profit at all.
(applause.) The more machinery is extended,
the greater is the saving; and there the cot-
ton and woollen spinners have extended
their machinery, and set their savings at
home against the loss upon the increased
quantity of goods exported. And, gentle-
men, if any thing can prove more than ano-
ther the awful state of this triply-taxed
country it is this, that the exported English
goods are generally sold at a loss, and yet,
in the face of this, continental manufactures
are rapidly increasing. (applause.) This is
proved in evidence-incontestibly proved.
Can we go on long thus? (no, no, no.) I
have talked of manufactures, let me now tell
you what the state of commerce is; I know
something of it: if I did not, my pot would
not long boil. (laughing.) Mr. Ingham, I
think, will admit I know something of Baltic
trade after twenty-five years' experience, aye,
and of trade in general, too. What, then,
is its state, you ask? It is this:-I firmly
believe that for the last seven years no money
has been made by Baltic imports, and little by
exports, and that this is the case, speaking
generally, with other branches of foreign
commerce. Here some political economist
will start up, and say-stop, friend! If this
trade is so bad, why do the people not leave
it? and if not, why are they not all ruined?
Leave it! tell me, economist, what better
trade is there to go to if they leave it? and,
as for the ruin, many are ruined; but I
shall tell you how their places are filled up,
and how the game (for gambling it now is)
is prolonged. In the place, Mr. Economist,
of the old legitimate English mode of dealing,
when goods were imported and sold at once
to the consumer at a fair profit, there has
arisen a vile stock exchange-I can get no
worse name than that-(loud laughing)—
commercial gambling. In all the great arti-
cles of consumption, prices are raised and

(loud cheers.) Prosperity! I shall tell Mr.
Ingham the sort of prosperity we are in, and
give him an illustration into the bargain.
Suppose Mr. Ingham all of a sudden was to
receive only half the money, or less than that
he used to get for pleading a cause, so that,
to make the same amount of profit, he must
continue to get double the number of briefs,
and thus do double work for even less pay,
would he say the bar was in a prosperous
state?-(loud laughing.) And yet this is
the "prosperous" manufacturers' situation.
I wish your representative would undertake
to plead the cause of the distressed mer-
chants and manufacturers in Parliament. I
wish it, and I promise him a brief, that used
as he is to intricacies and complications of
all sorts, shall make his legal head turn
round. (immense laughter.) If Mr. Ingham
would read the evidence given before the
Committee of Commerce, and on the Bank
Charter, he would even there find proof
enough how monstrous is the idea that agri-
culture can be ruined, and trade thriving at
one and the same time. Was it not proved
that in the Bank of England were lying the
other day ten millions of money without in-
terest, because nothing could be done with
it? Did not Banker Gurney and Banker
Lloyd prove before the committee, that they
could not employ capital even at two per
Cent? If commerce and manufactures are
so thriving, then why not this money in-
vested there? Let Mr. Ingham answer that!
(great applause.) Will he tell me of the in-
crease of machinery? Will he tell me how
much more is doing? Will he tell me how
many more bills are discounted, as Banker
Gurney does? Will he tell me how many
more commercial travellers are scouring the
country in all directions, seeking money with
greater eagerness than ever? I know some-
thing of manufactures, and I say, let him
prove that the transactions that give rise to
all these are profitable, and then we will talk
about prosperity. I say they are not profit-
able. This is the state of manufactures, my
friends,—as the pressure has gone on, and
the profits of trade and interest of money

A given number agreeing to the foregoing recommendations, and desire a remedy, such as can be obtained by immediate application and give beneficial relief, that every such individual member pay two weeks in advance of 64d. per week as contributions; and in addition, every member in employ, and during such employ, to pay in as loan only 1s. every week, to be returned in value of stock or material, when he may be thrown out of employ. This would enable the society to get possession of all kinds of materials, and stock of every description. The sixpence to pay wages only every week; the halfpenny to pay for the rent of land only, which being sufficient for all the unemployed members to carry on such operations coupled with the trades as to keep in full employment, and prevent any fraud upon the society.

Experience suggests itself the only permanent way of benefitting the working classes is by employing the unemployed. It is therefore desirable for all trades and callings now to unite and effect this desirable and all-important object; and as the agricultural department being the most depressed, it requires a small contribution of 64d. per week from each member to establish it, we, your Committee recommend that to every 100 members one acre would be sufficient at first to effect the object, and taken as near London as possible, or any other large and populous town.

Sir,--The above are calmly considered and decided upon, and I have no doubt, as your publication takes these important subjects under their immediate care, and receives their best attention. They are the sincere productions of plain working men, and believed to be such as would relieve all classes, useful classes of society, and place them beyond those pressing and immediate evils which must befall us. In looking around us and seeing the land forsaken and becoming in a state of barrenness, there is room I am, Sir, for a reflecting mind.

Your sincere and obedient Servant,

HENRY TEPPER.

AGRICULTURE, MANUFACTURES,

AND TRADE.

We insert a part of a speech upon these topics by Thomas Doubleday, Esq. of Newcastle-upon-Tyne, at a late reform dinner at South Shields.

After a few introductory remarks, Mr. Doubleday said:— -We all know that the present dreadful state of affairs comes by the pressure of taxes, and that these taxes are principally caused by the debt. In his observations upon the situation of the great leading interests of the country, Mr. Ingham has been constrained to make admissions so important as to prove all he has not admitted. He has seen, to use his own style,

a paper entitled"—(loud laughter)—aye, entitled," ," that is the phrase, "a report of the select committee upon the present state of agriculture." (loud applause.) This psper, so entitled, he has read, and he is constrained to admit the overwhelming force of the horrible evidence there given before that very committee. He admits that the doom of the landlords is sealed, and that, unless some great change takes place, they and their families may go to the workhouse, and give "all the parks and manors that they had" to that monied aristocracy my friend Mr. Larkin has just alluded to. Mr. Ingham has also admitted the great and overwhelming ruin that is overtaking another great interest, one in which every man here has some part, the shipping interest. (cheers.) The distress of the ship-owners he could not deny, living as he does, amongst you. But, having admitted this, where do you think the Hon. gentleman finds cause for rejoicing? In the state of manufactures and trade! (laughter.) Now, my friends, had this been a point of law, I should have deferred to Mr. Ingham at once-but, in point of trade, I shall do no such thing. I am a merchant and manufacturer, and I say, without hesitation, that in Mr. Ingham's assertions on this point, there is as much ignorance of

[We insert letters of this kind to shew to what facts, and consequent misrepresentation of

mode of relief the working classes themselves lean.-ED.]

truth, as ever was put into so small a space.

(loud cheers.) Prosperity! I shall tell Mr.
Ingham the sort of prosperity we are in, and
give him an illustration into the bargain.
Suppose Mr. Ingham all of a sudden was to
receive only half the money, or less than that
he used to get for pleading a cause, so that,
to make the same amount of profit, he must
continue to get double the number of briefs,
and thus do double work for even less pay,
would he say the bar was in a prosperous
state?-(loud laughing.) And yet this is
the "prosperous" manufacturers' situation.
I wish your representative would undertake
to plead the cause of the distressed mer-
chants and manufacturers in Parliament. I
wish it, and I promise him a brief, that used
as he is to intricacies and complications of
all sorts, shall make his legal head turn
round. (immense laughter.) If Mr. Ingham
would read the evidence given before the
Committee of Commerce, and on the Bank
Charter, he would even there find proof
enough how monstrous is the idea that agri-
culture can be ruined, and trade thriving at
one and the same time. Was it not proved
that in the Bank of England were lying the
other day ten miliions of money without in-
terest, because nothing could be done with
it? Did not Banker Gurney and Banker
Lloyd prove before the committee, that they
could not employ capital even at two per
Cent.? If commerce and manufactures are
so thriving, then why is not this money in-
vested there? Let Mr. Ingham answer that!
(great applause.) Will he tell me of the in-
crease of machinery? Will he tell me how
much more is doing? Will he tell me how
many more bills are discounted, as Banker
Gurney does? Will he tell me how many
more commercial travellers are scouring the
country in all directions, seeking money with
greater eagerness than ever? I know some-
thing of manufactures, and I say, let him
prove that the transactions that give rise to
all these are profitable, and then we will talk
about prosperity. I say they are not profit-
able. This is the state of manufactures, my
friends, as the pressure has gone on, and
the profits of trade and interest of money

fallen together; as the capital in the hands
of loan-mongers, Jews, jobbers, and that
tribe has become a drug; more and more
has gradually been invested in manufactur-
ing concerns, until the thing can hardly be
carried further with any hope of profit at all.
(applause.) The more machinery is extended,
the greater is the saving; and there the cot-
ton and woollen spinners have extended
their machinery, and set their savings at
home against the loss upon the increased
quantity of goods exported. And, gentle-
men, if any thing can prove more than ano-
ther the awful state of this triply-taxed
country it is this, that the exported English
goods are generally sold at a loss, and yet,
in the face of this, continental manufactures
are rapidly increasing. (applause.) This is
proved in evidence-incontestibly proved.
Can we go on long thus? (no, no, no.) I
have talked of manufactures, let me now tell
you what the state of commerce is; I know
something of it: if I did not, my pot would
not long boil. (laughing.) Mr. Ingham, I
think, will admit I know something of Baltic
trade after twenty-five years' experience, aye,
and of trade in general, too. What, then,
is its state, you ask? It is this:-I firmly
believe that for the last seven years no money
has been made by Baltic imports, and little by
exports, and that this is the case, speaking
generally, with other branches of foreign
commerce. Here some political economist
will start up, and say-stop, friend! If this
trade is so bad, why do the people not leave
it? and if not, why are they not all ruined?
Leave it! tell me, economist, what better
trade is there to go to if they leave it? and,
as for the ruin, many are ruined; but I
shall tell you how their places are filled up,
and how the game (for gambling it now is)
is prolonged. In the place, Mr. Economist,
of the old legitimate English mode of dealing,
when goods were imported and sold at once
to the consumer at a fair profit, there has
arisen a vile stock exchange-I can get no
worse name than that—(loud laughing)—
commercial gambling. In all the great arti-
cles of consumption, prices are raised and

depressed by the employment of all manner far better qualified to speak here than I am,

of lies, fables, exaggeration, and mystification. There has been a great drought or a hurricane, or an immense loss at sea, or a failure of crops, or a mildew, or a murrain amongst cattle; and thus the hoax is carried on. Amidst all this lying, "capitalists" that is to say, the men whose money (obtained probably by loan and contract mongering) Banker Lloyd and Banker Gurney "cannot employ at two per cent." are induced to try their luck. Thus is the game prolonged. Men destitute of profits in the regular course of trade, by a lucky hit, make a sum, and save themselves. Thus the loss is divided, and falls into various hands; but loss it still is, for I am persuaded-nay, to a certain extent, I know-that imported merchandise is too often sold to the actual consumer at less than its cost; and this your representative calls prosperity! He and I differ in the meaning of words, if this be prosperity. I now turn to a subject in which all here are interested-shipping; and upon that subject I shall give you my plain opinions, right or wrong. The great depression of shipping I know; it is obvious, terrible, and lamentable. I, like other merchants, employ ships, and I know the freights are not adequately paid for; neither could we afford it if they were, pray mark that! (applause.)-but let me tell you, that those who ascribe all this to the repeal of the Old Restrictive Navigation Laws are utterly mistaken. This repeal, commonly called the reciprocity system, was, in truth, forced upon Lord Liverpool and Huskisson; with- plause.) If you want confusion and revolu out this the manufactures of England must have come to the ground, and your ships, instead of having plenty to do without proper pay, would have had no employment nor any pay at all. This, believe me, is the truth. (applause.) All, my friends, that the Reciprocity Acts have done, is to bring British and foreign ships into competition, and the British ships have sunk under it-but, why have they sunk? Tell me that, Mr. Ingham; tell me that, my friends. I will tell you, and I will tell you in the words of a man,

Mr. John Diston Powles, of London, a man full of knowledge on this subject-(cheers.)

himself long a shipowner, and conversant with shipping all his life. (cheers.) Mr. Powles, being asked by the Committee of Enquiry if the expenditure of the country, that is to say, the taxes, were reduced to something like those of other nations, would British Ships fear competition? answered. "I should fear no competition !" words that ought to be written in gold. Here then, gentlemen, is the cause of all your misery, the debt and the taxes. Tell those who seek to cheat you by saying, the direct taxes on articles employed in shipping are not immense-tell them this; tell them that into the composition of a ship enter wood, iron, copper, hemp, flax; into her storage, beef, biscuit, water, and beer-tell them that the man who fells or brings the wood, the man who shapes it and puts it together-tell them, the man who digs the copper and iron ore, the man who smelts it, the man who fashions it, the man who brings the hemp and flax, the man who weaves them, the man who twists them-tell them, the man who feeds the beef, the man who kills and salts it, the man who fetches the water, the man who brews the beer, all pay taxes; and some part of these taxes they must lay on your unfor tunate vessel, or be ruined, a load to sink a navy !" Thus, gentlemen, are we all,— you along with us-all suffering from the same cause, the enormous taxes. Join us, then, in seeking their repeal. (great ap

tion continue them, for, I tell you unhesitatingly, that if they be continued, revolution must and will take place. What is to be the fate of our country no man can tellwhether she is to be saved or to perish we cannot tell-but in the darkest crisis let this be our consolation, that we, at all events, have done our duty; that we have in every instance withstood her tyrants, and without remission advocated those measures in which alone rest our salvation. (great cheering.) -(Birmingham Journal, Feb, 1.)