"A LONG PULL, AND A STRONG PULL, AND A PULL ALL-TOGETHER," FOR BETTER PRICES, BETTER PROFITS, AND BETTER WAGES. HISTORY OF THE DEPRECIATION high wages of the war, which made "Church AND APPRECIATION OF THE CURRENCY. and King" people of the middle, lower and upper classes, during that period. The Whigs were as much advocates of reform at that day as this; but they found they might as well preach to the roaring ocean, as attempt to persuade the producing classes that good prices, good profits and good wages wanted reforming. No! no! the people of this country are Tory to the back. bone, when they have plenty of roast beef and plum pudding, as they are Radicals to the backbone with empty stomachs. You can't stir them under the influence of the plum pudding: there is a grateful hiccup of selfcomplacency, which informs you that "Well must be let alone." But the Radicalism of the gnawing stomach, tells you that, “Ill must never be let alone." And your true Radical, from Jack Cade, downwards, is always seeking to fill his belly. Nothing can be more natural than such a tendency; it almost involves the principle of self-preservation. It is useless to attempt to destroy such a tendency by restrictive laws. Nature is too strong for you. You may guide, but you cannot restrain her. Besides, how much wiser is it to prevent than to punish. The members of this Society seeing matters in this light, resolved to put their shoulders to the wheel: and whether actuated by a principle of humanity towards others, or of self-preservation, or a combination of the two, is of little consequence; since their object, if obtained, must redound to the advantage of the state. With such a stimulus to disorder or to restless innova tion as now exists, the best institutions of the country cannot be safe: duty therefore impelled us to step in to prevent the continuance of that disposition, which expects advantage from every alteration, how THE chief object of this publication was, in plain and popular language, to give the producing classes the opportunity of becoming acquainted with the Currency question. Every pains had been taken by the money monster, both in Parliament and out of it, to delude the country upon the subject, or to conceal altogether its blighting effects. It was of the utmost consequence, in the view of the promoters of the Magazine, that the Currency question should be understood, because in consequence of operations on the Currency, it was that the landed interest, the commercial, and many parts of the manufacturing interest had been brought so low. The long continued distress had had the effect of souring men's minds against their institutions, and led them to rush on from "change onward to change," in the hope that something, at least, would turn up that would remedy their grievances. It was natural that the large mass of the population, unused to trace effects to their Causes, should be thus tempted: in the absence of reason it appears almost a human instinct, when pressed by adversity, to run the whole circle of change, for the chances of amendment. And there is this dangerOus stimulant to such a course; that when men are persuaded in their own minds that their condition cannot well be worse, they lose their wonted caution, become desperately reckless, and think any change must be for the better. Whereas the old adage, "Let well alone," operates in the minds of the sober people of this country, against all the quack prescriptions of the most ingenious demagogues. It was nothing else than the prosperity of the high prices and VOL. II. No. 2. your Committee that he was a manufacturer employing hand-loom weavers, and that he paid them from 13s. to 20s. a week; but having put in a paper extracted from his books, your Committee found that the average of the wages as stated therein did not amount to more than 11s. 4d. per week; that hereupon the witness desired time to write home for more accurate information, and that in a short time after the witness appeared before your Committee again with fuller extract from his books, then just received from Huddersfield, when it appeared that the average wages amounted to 11s. per week, ranging from 7s. 84d. to 148. 8d.; that this is a statement of the gross earnings, is given for the best paid for, and is subject to deductions of various kinds, as stated above in the evidence of Mr. Oastler. And this witness stated to your Committee that there was another description of manufacture carried on in the neighbourhood of Huddersfield, at which a much greater number of hands were employed, the wages for which were considerably lower; but he had no statement to give to your Committee, and could not say what those weavers earned. From Leeds, Your Committee received the Evidence of Mr. Brook, a Cloth-dresser, who confirmed the accounts given by Witnesses from other places as to the main points to which the attention of your Committee was directed; namely, that the hand-loom weavers of Leeds are worse off than they were 14 or 15 years back; that they do not earn a sufficiency to keep them in proper necessaries; that their clothing and furniture is very much worse; that, instead of applying even their reduced wages to the support of their families, indulgence in dram drinking, as a temporary relief from despair, is much on the increase; and that, from the want of clothes to attend the Church in, and of means for educating their children, they neglect. these important moral duties. Moreover, a statement of the earnings of a certain number of the hand-loom weavers of Leeds was put in by Edward Baines, Esq., M.P., a member of your Committee, which will be found below. Referring now to Ireland, your Committee will first speak of the evidence which they received from the weavers of Belfast. Mr. John Boyd, a weaver, stated to them that there are three classes of weavers in the town and neighbourhood; that the least numerous class obtain in wages an income of 63. to 6s. 6d., and that they work from 14 to 16 or 18 hours a day, inclusive of, perhaps, an hour and a half for meals; that the second class, more numerous, earn 5s. to 5s. 6d. a week, working the same hours; that the third class, who are less able or less dexterous, and work on coarser material, earn from 38. 6d. to 4s. 6d. a week; and, on being questioned as to the mode of living, the witness supposed a man, with a wife and two children, and gave in to your Committee the following scale of outgoings for the week : s. d. 10 stone of coals at 14d. per stone. 13 [This statement does not include stone of oatmeal 1 lb. of candles for shop 10 06 3 04 04 Bread (To be continued.) It is requested that Subscriptions be not paid to unknown individuals; if not inte the Bank of M. Attwood, Esq. M. P. then to some Member of the Society. Communications to be sent to the Secretary post paid. PRINTED BY W. NICOL, 31, PALL MALL "A LONG PULL, AND A STRONG PULL, AND A PULL ALL TOGETHER," FOR BETTER PRICES, BETTER PROFITS, AND BETTER WAGES. HISTORY OF THE DEPRECIATION high wages of the war, which made " Church THE chief object of this publication was, in plain and popular language, to give the producing classes the opportunity of becoming acquainted with the Currency question. Every pains had been taken by the money monster, both in Parliament and out of it, to delude the country upon the subject, or to conceal altogether its blighting effects. It was of the utmost consequence, in the view of the promoters of the Magazine, that the Currency question should be understood, because in consequence of operations on the Currency, it was that the landed interest, the commercial, and many parts of the manufacturing interest had been brought so low. The long continued distress had had the effect of souring men's minds against their institutions, and led them to rush on from "change onward to change," in the hope that something, at least, would turn up that would remedy their grievances. It was natural that the large mass of the population, unused to trace effects to their causes, should be thus tempted: in the absence of reason it appears almost a human instinct, when pressed by adversity, to run the whole circle of change, for the chances of amendment. And there is this dangerous stimulant to such a course; that when men are persuaded in their own minds that their condition cannot well be worse, they lose their wonted caution, become despe. rately reckless, and think any change must be for the better. Whereas the old adage, "Let well alone," operates in the minds of the sober people of this country, against all the quack prescriptions of the most ingenious demagogues. It was nothing else than the prosperity of the high prices and VOL. II. No. 2. and King" people of the middle, lower and upper classes, during that period. The Whigs were as much advocates of reform at that day as this; but they found they might as well preach to the roaring ocean, as attempt to persuade the producing classes that good prices, good profits and good wages wanted reforming. No! no! the people of this country are Tory to the backbone, when they have plenty of roast beef and plum pudding, as they are Radicals to the backbone with empty stomachs. You can't stir them under the influence of the plum pudding: there is a grateful hiccup of selfcomplacency, which informs you that "Well must be let alone." But the Radicalism of the gnawing stomach, tells you that, “Ill must never be let alone." And your true Radical, from Jack Cade, downwards, is always seeking to fill his belly. Nothing can be more natural than such a tendency; it almost involves the principle of self-preservation. It is useless to attempt to destroy such a tendency by restrictive laws. Nature is too strong for you. You may guide, but you cannot restrain her. Besides, how much wiser is it to prevent than to punish. The membersof this Society seeing matters in this light, resolved to put their shoulders to the wheel: and whether actuated by a principle of humanity towards others, or of self-preservation, or a combination of the two, is of little consequence; since their object, if obtained, must redound to the advantage of the state. With such a stimulus to disorder or to restless innovation as now exists, the best institutions of the country cannot be safe: duty therefore impelled us to step in to prevent the continuance of that disposition, which expects advantage from every alteration, how ever craftily designed, or blindly undertaken; and we felt we could only prevent, with effect, by shewing the country what change it was that had produced its misfortunes; for this, we were assured, would lead them to reflect upon the subject; and this reflection would as surely impel them, not blindly as before, but according to sound reason, to ask for such changes only as would counteract or modify the effects of the disturbing cause. That cause was the change of the Currency. And the highest Conservative in the empire may receive this as a truth, and chew the cud of it as best he may; that there is no road out of the difficulties and dangers of the present revolutionary times, except by the road we entered upon them. Peel's Bill-was the power-loom which manufactured the Catholic Emancipation Bill; the Corporation and Test Acts; the Reform Bill; and now threatens the destruction of the Church, the Peers, the Throne. Individually we, (the writer of this article) were as much for the three first of these measures, as we are against the three last but we can never blind ourselves to the fact, that the mass of the population would have remained in a state of apathy respecting them, had it not been for distress driving them onward to change. We were about proceeding to the history of the Currency question some se. venteen numbers back, when the letter of T. this before. Every thing is right in the We might have selected passages for an elucidation of the Currency question, from the writings of Sir James Graham, Mr. T. Attwood, the two Mr. Taylors, Mr. James, Lord Western, and others; but as we are indebted to one of our Corrresponding Members, Mr. Bernard, Fellow of King's College, Cambridge, for a most able exposition of this important subject, we shall most willingly insert it, and beg at the same time to return him our best thanks for it. Our next number shall contain the commencement of Mr. Bernard's Exposition of the Depreciation of the Currency in consequence of the Bank Restriction in 1797: and of its Appreciation in consequence of Mr. Peel's Bill of 1819. a interrupted us; that gave us the opportu- PROTEST OF EAST SUFFOLK AGAINST nity of shewing, on incontrovertible data, the dreadful state the productive classes were in, and of alluding incidentally to the great cause of the ruin and dissatisfaction which prevailed. The Chancellor of the Exchequer, indeed, told us the other day, as all Whig and Tory Chancellors do, that their system is doing well. Why, every quack in England, Scotland, and Ireland, does the same. We don't expect the quacks to undeceive the public; but we do expect the public, and that very shortly, to discover the quackery. What was the main ground of Mr. Spring Rice's prosperity in his Budget? The official value, on the quantity of the exports. We have exposed all HIS MAJESTY'S MINISTERS AND THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. IT is cheering to find that the agricultural body is awakening from its long slumber of inactivity and apathy, and that the example which the Cambridgeshire farmers have set, has produced some results. The Great Ipswich Lamb Fair took place on Saturday and Monday, the 22d and 24th ultimo, on the latter of which days Mr. Bernard, whose recent proceedings, at the Cambridge "Commencement," we have mentioned before; attended by special invitation, to meet the Suffolk Landowners and Farmers, who had resolved to take that opportunity to express their feelings of the neglect shewn by Go The meeting then proceeded to dinner at the "White Horse," where Mr. Bernard ably and at considerable length, explained his views of the present state of affairs: Mr. Bernard thinks that a great league exists on vernment towards the agricultural interest, concerned in agriculture, but forces upon and to concert measures for co-operating every mind the unwelcome but inevitable with Cambridgeshire and other counties, conviction that the promises of Governfor a redress of their grievances. Mr. Ber- ment are no longer to be relied on; and nard was accompanied by Mr. Thurnall, the that the present House of Commons is utChairman of the Cambridgeshire and Isle of terly unworthy of the confidence of the Ely Farmers' Association, by Mr. Twiss, the country. Secretary, and by several of the leading farmers of that county. The Honorary Secretary to the Committee for conducting this Magazine, proceeded also from London by invitation, to meet the Suffolk farmers, and to hear their opinion on the currency the part of the non-producing and distriquestion; as did likewise Mr. Broun, who has so actively and patriotically exerted himself in respect of a consolidation of the road trusts. Although but little previous notice was given for the calling of the meeting, a considerable number of the principal farmers and substantial yeomanry met at the Assembly Rooms, and having voted W. A. Shuldham, Esq. to the chair, the following resolutions were carried with very great cheering and applause ; 1st. Resolved, That the recommendation of the House of Commons contained in His Majesty's Speech at the opening of the present Session of Parliament, to consider “Whether it might not be in their power after providing for the exigencies of the Public Service, and consistently with the stedfast maintenance of public credit, to devise a method for mitigating the pressure of those local charges which bear heavily on the owners and occupiers of land, and for distributing the burthen of it more equally over other descriptions of property," excited the great hope and universal expectation that this solemn admission of its existence, would be followed by some measure of government for the effectual relief of agricultural distress. buting classes of society; that is on the part of money-owners, commercialists and shop-keepers, who are benefited by low prices and wages, for the destruction of all the producing classes of society, who are benefited by high ones, in which latter he includes landowners as well as farmers and working-people of every denomination; and that the House of Commons, representing the former classes more than the latter, is at the head of this league, He considers further, that Peel's Currency Bill, the free trade system, and free range allowed to inventions in machinery, are merely the effects of this great combination for lowering prices and wages, and that it is perfectly useless to remove any one of these grievances, or even all, without breaking up the league which is their cause. This he proposes to do by forming a counter-league of the producing classes, landowners, farmers and working people, for the avowed object of taking the Government out of the hands of moneyowners, commercialists and shopkeepers, and putting it into the keeping of the agricultural body. He insists that the House of Commons, as at present composed, does not represent either landowners, farmers or working-people at all, and that for this reason, its views are diametrically opposed to every British interest, except the monied interest, and to every British institution, with the exception of a House of Commons in possession exclusively of sovereign power, and the stock exchange. And he insists, in fact, that a never ceasing 2d. Resolved, That the conduct of His Majesty's Ministers and of the House of Commons, in rejecting the motions of the Marquis of Chandos and Mr. Cayley, and in allowing the budget to be introduced with a measure of relief so totally inadequate to the occasion, not only deserves the severest censure of this meeting and of all persons pressure of money-owners and shop-keep. |