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not content to see half the farmers, its operations, the public has not and landlords, and productive classes had before it sufficient data to form of the United Kingdom, tamely sink right conclusions. It is proposed into ruin, because the other half to supply the information wanted, have been so sacrificed-struggle in plain language and in a cheap and to prevent it. And if there be any concentrated shape. And it is hoped other effectual and practicable mode that the Work, now offered to the of relief than partially retracing public, may be the means of imour steps, let it be adopted. But pressing on the country, truths low prices are difficult to cure in that may dispose it to take such any other way than by raising them; steps as will surely, though in a and they can be raised, under a sound peaceful and legal way, protect the and convertible currency, to that li- remnant of its just property; and so mited extent which would give relief prevent results which are frightful without any breach of public faith. to contemplate. Should this happy Unless that shall be falsely construed expectation not be disappointed, into breach of faith, which seeks to no greater reward can attend the restore the fair and long-accustomed labours of this publication. proportions between every class of private property; having reference, Of course, in a work of this kind, at the same time, to the absolute all the Members of the Society cantaxation pressing upon each. not be responsible for every word The home trade is particularly contained in it: even the Committee affected by the present system. can only answer for an adherence, The shopkeepers of every provincial in the main, to the general principles, town can bear witness to this. The in which the society is agreed. distress in agriculture extends itself Local Committees will be immethrough every other branch of labour diately formed. and production connected with the The Agricultural Associations home trade. It is surely better that which have sprung up so numerously all these branches should make an in consequence of distress, are espeeffort together, than that agriculture cially requested to take active steps should resist single-handed. Let to introduce the circulation of the then the common interests of real pro- Magazine in every Market Town perty and of labour, vested in the agri- and District. Agriculture being culture, manufactures, shipping and admitted on all hands to be the founcommerce of the United Kingdom, be dation of the great home trade, which cemented. Let these powerful in- is so miserably depressed. terests consider themselves as one, With a view to this, the Local and contend in a body against that Committees are requested to comcruel system which is so fatally un- municate with the Agricultural Asdermining their whole vigour and sociations in their districts. stability. Then we may hope again to see the day when British vested capital shall receive its due profit, and British labour reap permanent employment and its full reward.

Annual subscriptions of £1., and donations, to be paid to Local Committees, or into the Bank of Matthias Attwood, Esq. M. P. Gracechurch Street, London.

In consequence of the insidious The Second Number will be pubprogress of the disease which has lished on the 1st of November: to be cured, and the studious efforts the succeeding Numbers twice a which have been made to conceal month.-Price 2d.

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ENCOURAGEMENT OF DOMESTIC INDUSTRY, AND FOR
PROMOTING EFFECTUAL RELIEF FROM
THE GENERAL DISTRESS.

1834.

LONDON:

JAMES COCHRANE AND CO.

11, WATERLOO PLACE, PALL MALL.

SOLD ALSO WHOLESALE BY

GROOMBRIDGE, PANTER ALLEY, PATERNOSTER ROW; WALKLEY, CHELSEA; THOMPSON AND NEWBY, BURY ST. EDMUND'S; E. COLLINGS, BATH; WRIGHTSON AND WEBB, BIRMINGHAM; J. NOBLE, BOSTON; LODER, BRIGHTON; ATKINSON, BRADFORD; THURNHAM AND SCOTT, CARLISLE; JOSEPH ARTHY, CHELMSFORD; WALTER AND TAYLOR, COLCHESTER; W. ROWBOTTOM, DERBY; BYERS, DEVONPORT; BROOKE AND WHITE, DONCASTER; BALLE, EXETER; PHILP, FALMOUTH; BABINGTON, HORNCASTLK; KEMP, HUDDERSFIELD; WILSON, HULL; HUDSON AND NICHOLSON, KENDAL; DEIGHTON, AND SHARP, LEAMINGTON; J. H. VEITCH, DURHAM ; BAINES & co., AND INCHBALD, LEEDS; BROOKE AND SONS, LINCOLN; WILLMER AND SMITH, LIVERPOOL; R. SMITHSON, MALTON; BANCKS AND CO., MANCHESTER; CHARNLEY, NEWCASTLE-UPONTYNE; JARROLD AND SON, NORWICH; WRIGHT, NOTTINGHAM; SLATTER, OXFORD; NETTLETON, PLYMOUTH; HORSEY, JUN., PORTSEA; J. W. BLEADEN, RAMSGATE; JOSEPH WALSH, READING; J. WARREN, ROYSTON; S. W. THEAKSTON, SCARBOROUGH; RIDGE, SHEFFIELD; C. WATTS, LANE END, STAFFORDSHIRE; HENRY HARDACRE, HADLEIGH, SUFFOLK; DEIGHTON, WORCESTER; NOXON, YORK; WM. SMALL, HOWDEN, YORKSHIRE; WAKEMAN, DUBLIN; BELL AND BRADFUTE, EDINBURGH; SMITH AND SON, GLASGOW; AND A. BROWN AND CO. ABERDEEN.

The Third Number will be Published on the 15th of November.-Price 2d.

Printed by W. Nicol, Pall Mall.

COMMITTEE.

Chairman-E. S. CAYLEY, Esq., M.P. Yorkshire, N.R.

Hon. D. G. Hallyburton, M.P. Forfarshire.
Sir G. Cayley, Bart. M.P. Scarborough.
Sir Hyde Parker, Bart. M.P. Suffolk.
Sir R. B. W. Bulkeley, Bart. M.P. Anglesea.
Sir C. Burrell, Bart. M.P. Rape of Bramber.
Sir Eardley Wilmot, Bt. M.P. Warwickshire.
A. Chapman, Esq., M.P. Whitby.
R. W. Hall Dare, Esq., M.P. Essex.

L. W. Dillwyn, Esq., M.P. Glamorganshire.
John Fielden, Esq., M.P. Oldham.
George Finch, Esq., M.P. Stamford.

Hesketh Fleetwood, Esq., M.P. Preston.
W. C. Harland, Esq., M.P. Durham.
H. Lambert, Esq., M.P. Wexfordshire.
E. C. Lister, Esq., M.P. Bradford.
J. Maxwell, Esq., M.P. Lanarkshire.
R. A. Oswald, Esq., M.P. Ayrshire.
G. R. Robinson, Esq. M.P. Worcester.
G. Sinclair, Esq., M.P. Caithness-shire.
C. Tyrell, Esq., M.P. Suffolk.

G. F. Young, Esq., M.P. Tynemouth.

Honorary Secretary-R. MONTGOMERY MARTIN, Esq. F.S.S.,
11, Waterloo Place, Pall Mall, London.

CORRESPONDING MEMBERS.

Aylesbury-Henry T. Rudge, Esq.
Belfast-J. E. Tennent, Esq. M. P.
Beverley-T. Sandwith, Esq.
Birmingham―G. F. Muntz, Esq.
Bolton-Mr. Thos. Myerscough.
Bury St. Edmund's-R. Dalton, Esq.
Carlisle-Mr. C. Thurnham.
Cambridge-Jas. B. Bernard, Esq.
King's College, Cambridge.
Cowbridge-Richard Franklin, Esq.
Darlington-Francis Mewburn, Esq.
Doncaster-Sir W. Cooke, Bart.
Durham-H. J. Spearman, Esq.
Edinburgh-The Rt. Hon. Sir John
Sinclair, Bart.
Exeter-Ralph Barnes, Esq.
Greenock-R. Wallace, Esq. M.. P.
Huddersfield-Mr. Richard Oastler.
Hull-James Iveson, Esq.
Knaresborough Mr. John Howgate.
Leicester-Sir Edmund Hartopp, Bt.
Linlithgowshire-W. D. Gillon, Esq.

M.P.

Macclesfield-Mr. Swinnerton.
Malton-W. Worsley, Esq.
Manchester-W. Clegg, Esq.
Northallerton-Right Hon. The Earl
of Tyrconnel.

Nottingham~ Mr. John Crosby.
Oldham-Mr. W. Fitton.
Pocklington-Major-Gen. Sir II. M.
Vavasour, Bart.
Richmond-O. Tomlin, Esq.
Ripon-D. Cayley, Esq.
Scarborough-E. H. Hebden, Esq.
Stockton-on-Tees-Thomas Meynell,

Esq.

Swansea-Joseph Bird, Esq.
Tamworth-J. Holte Bracebridge,
Esq.
Warwick-Chandos Leigh, Esq.
Whitby Dr. Loy.

Worcester-R. Spooner, Esq and
J. M. Gutch, Esq.
York-Thomas Laycock, Esq.

Communications to be sent to the Secretary, post paid.

"A LONG PULL, AND A STRONG PULL, AND A PULL ALL-TOGETHER,

FOR BETTER PRICES, BETTER PROFITS, AND BETTER WAGES.

THE productive classes and the owners of real property are agreed that things cannot go on as they are that they are no longer to be endured, either in point of expediency, or of morality, for they are a premium on disaffection and crime. "We know we are distressed; but how are we to better ourselves?" -that is the question; a question often put, and as often answered. But there is an old saying which some of our readers may have already heard, that none are so deaf as those that won't hear." Our business is to try to make them hear.

"But you are currency men! we will have nothing to do with you; you want us to change the currency!" This sounds very terrible; aye, a person who does not even know the meaning of the word currency is taught to shrink from the sound as from the hiss of an adder. But who taught the world this dread alarm at a simple word? Every one remembers the story of Bel and the Dragon in the Apocrypha :-the Pagan Priests taught the people the necessity of bringing to the temple much of their substance to satisfy the enormous cravings of their ravenous idol. It was one day discovered that this was a very convenient doctrine for the teachers to preach. Now it has so happened (of course quite accidentally) that the greatest oracles, both in and out of Parliament, who have declaimed so much against any alteration or modification of Mr. Peel's currency bill of 1819, have been proved, either to have been in the grossest ignorance on the subject, or to have had a direct interest in maintaining it in all its cruel and devastating rigour. This may be all very right; but, to say the least, it looks a little suspicious.

that an increased production was exactly the thing to suit an increased population; but then we were not political economists. This was a doctrine held by the wise about 1821 or 1822, and lasting a few months; however, we may suppose it did not satisfy the wisdom of the wise, for they shortly after promulgated a new doctrine, just the opposite of the former, viz., that production was too scanty and, therefore, we must have provision from abroad, and therefore no Corn Laws.

This was even still more dexterous logic than the other. The farmers had been half ruined in 1820, 1821, 1822, by Peel's Bill causing prices to fall one half; this naturally enough distressed not only the farmer, but the farm labourers, and every one dependent upon agriculture, the landlords, the shopkeepers, the manufacturers for the home market, in all above 20,000,000 of the population of the United Kingdom. They had, indeed, very good reason to be distressed, for the millions upon millions of their pri vate and public debts and engagements had been nearly, if not quite, doubled by Peel's Bill. The payment of all these engagements depending upon the profitable sale of their productions, and on the same quick demand on their factories, their shops, and their labour, as existed when these engagements were contracted, it is not wonderful that they were pressed down to the earth when their productions or goods only sold for half what they did before. If all that used to constitute profit were taken up in meeting an engagement which remained exactly the same in its nominal amount, although the means to pay it were halved, what surplus could the farmer or manufacturer have to Being ourselves good easy folks, we should lay out in the decencies, comforts, or in not have overstrained matters, or have been many cases, even in the necessaries of life? over inquisitive into the origin of this mis- What wonder that the shopkeeper failed chief, if any of the various projects with when he had laid in a large stock of goods which our Pagan Priests (setting up this which nobody could buy? What wonder golden calf for their worship) have pro- that distress came on all these classes, which posed to hoodwink us, had even partially live by selling to each other, when none succeeded. It certainly was very clever to could buy of the other? Of what value tell us, through their great high priest, was labour, when the things it made could Mr. Ricardo, that we had at one and the not be sold, except under the cost price? same time too much population and also Oh! how dexterous a remedy it was to too much production; that the more people whisper the soothing doctrine of free trade we had the less they consumed; and that into the ears of these miserable beings;this was the grand source of our distress. to tell them that their distress would be Living in the country and unused to inge- best relieved by allowing others to produce nious modes of discoursing and treating of and to sell instead of them! Oh how condifficult subjects, this wonderful discovery soling for them to hear that the cloth which had quite escaped us. Poor, plain country they made, the goods which they sold, the folks as we are, we had always imagined labour which they employed, the ships which

they navigated, the corn which they produced, by which they had all lived and been made happy, were to come in from a foreign land.

What ingenuity it displayed at a time when the grossest ignorance or wickedness in legislation had brought us down from our high estate,-when ruin was upon the face of the land,-when our rulers, under the infatuation of these Pagan Priests, had bound us hand and foot to the worse than a martyr's stake of a profitless production, and of making bricks without straw;-when we had been filched of our capacities to buy from one another; just at that moment, what ingenuity, we repeat, and yet how diabolical a spirit it displayed, to taunt us with our powerless disability to constitute a market to each other, and to tell us to go far and wide-anywhere save in our fatherland-for that market, which, but for them, we might honestly, cheerfully, and contentedly, as heretofore, have obtained at home.

Well have the Jews of the present day avenged their treatment by the Christians in a more barbarous age; and well might the Christians of to-day repeat the desponding words of Shylock the Jew,—

Nay, take my life and all, pardon not that: You take my house, when you do take the prop That does sustain my house: you take my life, When you do take the means whereby 1 live. Indeed, indeed, we cannot too often repeat what Mr. Bernard has said in his able workthat "Mr. Ricardo's plan of exhibiting landowners and farmers in the most odious light possible to their fellow creatures was really a profound one; the idea of sowing dissensions amongst all who happened to be engaged in production, by making a part, and that the most numerous part, believe that they were consumers rather than the producers, and setting them in this way against those who were sailing actually in the same boat with them-the landowner and farmer, in order to weaken the united influence of the entire body, was an admirable contrivance for strengthening the hands of the fundholder and enabling him to obtain his favourite object of low prices."

Here, after all, is the great secret of our condition; we, the productive classes, cannot separate our situation as consumers and producers. We are all producers; what then is our interest? Can we be any longer cheated out of the conviction that it must be profitable production? What interest have we in the prices of other things compared with the prices of what we produce ourselves? Every labourer, on an average, produces four times as much as he consumes. Can there be a doubt where his interest lies? That his object should be, and his lasting interest must always be, to have his production sell well? And if it

be the interest of one labourer, engaged in one species of production, it is the interest of another labourer engaged in another line of production.

This will be a caution to the industrious classes always to remember that their interests as producers are much greater than as consumers. But can this be said of the Jews, the fundholders, and the fixed annuitants? Abstractedly speaking, their principal interest is directly the reverse of that of the industrious classes :-their chief interest is, doubtless, as consumers. And it is because they were few in number that they laid that scheme to which we have just alluded, viz.: to persuade the industrious classes that they were consumers rather than producers; and they thought if they thus won over, by practising on its credulity, so numerous a body in the country, their insidious plot would succeed. It has succeeded for a time. Will it continue to succeed? We are delighted to think, that a ray of light is glimmering on the horizon which promises to dispel a cloud of infatuation and error on the subject.

Was it reasonable to expect that these two parties should long continue to sail in the same boat? Behold the one,-a fixed annuitant of £1000. a year; £1000. a year

whether wages are good or bad, prices and profits are high or low-the same one thousand pounds a year! Supposing it necessary for this annuitant to lay out money in furnishing a house. Before Peel's Bill passed, the furniture would have cost (say) £1000. Now that most things are fallen half,-the furniture only costs £500.; and he has £500. left to extort additional luxuries, at half cost, out of the vested capital, the ingenuity, the anxiety, and the sweat of the productive classes. So far, indeed, these fixed annuitants have a greater power to buy goods than they had before, and to that extent to increase the demand for goods; but do the right results follow, from this increase of riches, to the rest of the community? Let the profitless producer and the half starved weaver answer this question. What however is the consumption of goods by a mere handful of fixed annuitants compared with that of the whole of the population? and that a productive population,— (at least which was,-and it shall not be our fault if it be not so again :) productive, we mean, of profit and good wages to the sellers, as much as it is of convenience and luxury to the buyers.

But " we trifle time;" the industrious classes are already aroused from the dreamy vision of a profitless, low priced, low waged free trade. They see now that the interest of one home producer is the interest of another; and they have learnt that the divine rule "Do unto others as you

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