: before the substantial interests of their constituencies, but who would have voted for Mr. Cayley's motion on any other occasion, now either stayed away, or voted against him 128, however, voted with him; and it has been calculated that 150 more were well disposed towards his motion. And it is a curious fact that by far the greater proportion of new members present voted for an inquiry into the state of the currency. We all remember the alarm of Lord Althorp in 1833, at the increased number of currency members introduced by the Reform Bill. The second election under the Reform Act, has still further increased them. This shows the feeling of the country. An election or two more, and the great party men of both sides, so obstinate on this question, will see how matters will turn. But the sad reflection is, the mischief, misery and ruin which is suffered to proceed unchecked in the mean time. Lastly, Mr. Maxwell, so unceasing and meritorious in his efforts to obtain relief for the hand-loom weavers, has also failed. He obtained a Committee last session which went into a great mass of evidence, the preponderance of which was in favour of local boards of trade to regulate wages. This session he obtained a renewal of that Committee, which called up evidence, for the most part, against the principle of interference with wages, in order that they might hear all that had to be said by the parties opposed to the petitions of the weavers, the evidence in the previous session having been almost invariably favourable to interference. The interference, however, which on the whole seemed to meet most with the views of the Committee, and subsequently of the petitioners likewise, if any were to be recommended, was that proposed by Mr. Fielden, the Member for Oldham, which most of our readers interested in this question are probably acquainted with. It was merely to have returns made by the manufacturers of each district, of the quantity of goods made by each, and of the wages paid for each class of work; then there was to be an average of the wages paid by the higher paying masters, and these were to be compulsory on the whole of the masters of each district for a limited space of time,three or six months; and then a fresh average was to be struck. The Committee was one of the most numerous we ever remember to have seen named: on reading the names it was impossible to say, from their known opinions, on which side the question would be carried, for or against interference. It is understood that there were three or four days' debating in the Committee on the Report, when at last it was decided (if we are not misinformed) 15 to 20 in favour of the views of the petitioners and subsequently Mr. Fielden's Bill was recommended to the House for its adoption. Mr. Maxwell, the indefatigable friend of the weavers, and their leader in this cause, was requested by the Committee to bring in a Bill on principles similar to that proposed by Mr. Fielden. His motion to bring in the Bill was met by an appeal from Ministers to postpone it, to make way for the Irish Church question. Mr. M. was immoveable; he thought the case of the weavers, starving or pining by thousands, was more urgent than that of the Irish Church. It was a very unpopular course to take for the most capricious mistress is not more imperious, dictatorial and unwarrantable, than the House of Commons, when it has set its mind on hearing some topic of exciting interest, and is disappointed by another motion which has the privilege of precedence: no matter if that motion affects almost the very existence. of millions. We do not, however, intend to infer that, even if Mr. Maxwell had introduced the subject under more favourable auspices, he would have secured many additional votes; on the contrary it is our belief that those members on whom the weavers had the most reliance were faithfully at their post to support them; greater numbers in the House would have only rendered this defeat more glaring. Bringing this question before the House at an unpopular moment, did not affect, immediately, the number of votes: but by irritating the minds of some members, whose opinions were unformed, and who might have been open to conviction, it closed the avenues probably to a subsequent consideration of the subject. This is by no means said in blame of Mr. Maxwell for introducing the question at the time he did; he was perfectly justified in so doing: but it is well our readers should know, that even if the Hon. Member for Lanarkshire had not brought on the motion at that time, he would have had excuses sufficient for pursuing such a course. In fact nothing is more difficult in Parliament than the progress of a member who is resolutely independent of party connections. cular object to get out of witnesses the fact, whether Boards of trade or Mr. Fielden's Bill would injure the trade or the masters. Every witness concurred in the opinion that Mr. Fielden's plan was practicable; only two or three out of all of these adverse witnesses who were summoned, could be found to say that injury would accrue to any party from a trial at least of the experiment; and these two or three were as bigotted as philosophers are of the new school. We have understood that many of the Committee went into it predisposed against Boards of trade, but came out in favour of their adoption; not, indeed, altogether convinced that they would confer all the benefit anticipated by the weavers,—but having heard from the most practical witnesses that the experiment would be harmless, they thought it due in justice-not to say in common humanity, and Christian mercy-to extend to the poor suffering weavers the be nefit of the experiment. They had prayed for it; they thought it would afford relief; and they wanted not that bitter aggravation to misery,--the thought that relief might be had, although it is coldly denied. For the motion there were 41; against it, 129. We have before us two of the Glasgow Liberators immediately succeeding its rejection. We are not surprised at the strong tone assumed at various meetings in that part of the country, nor at the frequent disappointment they express. They declare they will persist in their object: the honest weavers do not appear to be of that "fragile mould, the precious porcelain of human clay which breaks with the first fall;" they assert their determination to petition and appeal to The weavers seem to have expected ParParliament until they get relief. What had liament to have granted their Prayer: we the House of Commons to say against grant- confess we were not so sanguine: but we ing them this modicum of relief? Only did expect after a Committee had sat two some cold, unbending, slaughterhouse, stock- years, and had reported in favour of a Bill, jobbing, Jewish, or rather heathenish gene- that Government, at least, would not have ral principles. The old story of the man lent their sanction to prevent, even the and the iron bed-"The bed is too short for printing of that Bill. We had anticipated the man," said the slave: "off with his its rejection upon a second reading: we head!" cried the tyrant. The bed and the were not prepared for the insult it did reman were fitted, but the man was dead. And ceive. Our last number began the Report thus is it to be with the hand-loom weavers. of the Committee: and we shall insert as Never was there such a heart-rending pic- much of it as our limits will allow, in each ture of destitution and starvation, protracted succeeding number until it is gone through. for so long a course of years, as is set forth Our readers will then be able to judge whe in the evidence given before Mr. Maxwell's ther the arguments in Parliament attempted Committee. Did one in ten of those who even to meet the case as put forth by the voted against Mr. M.'s motion read the Re- Committee, after two years solemn delibeport of the Committee? The Committee ration. A set of old cant phrases :-" Inwere as well acquainted with general prin- violability of capital;" Omnipotence of ciples as the most transcendental of the free machinery;" Sublimity of free-trade;" traders; but they had made it their parti- any thing, and every thing, but the moral : dignity of human beings, and their impe- object to it: but they seek equal justice. The farmers are distressed from low prices; relieve the weavers, and they will be double the consumers of agricultural produce, and so raise its value. The farmers and the weavers are both victims of the same ironhearted school of philosophy, which had rather that men starved and died, than that a pretty theory should be violated. Their interests therefore are as one. All the factory operatives are interested also in this question of relief to the Handloom weavers. The agricultural labourers complain of the inundation of Irish who accept low wages, and so beat down theirs: an inundation of starving and low paid handloom weavers, has just the same effect on the factory operatives, as the Irish on the English agricultural labourers. Being on the subject of factories, we may conclude by observing, that legislation is also required for them. Lord Ashley's Bill was really intended to prevent the disgraceful practice of imprisoning infants in factories for longer hours than even men ought to be subjected to: the Bill introduced by the Government when Lord Ashley's was thrown out, has been almost totally inoperative. Those engaged in factories, are eager for its repeal, and for the substitution of Lord Ashley's Ten Hour Bill. Many petitions have been presented for the repeal this Session; and Mr. Hindley gave notice of a Bill to remedy its defects; but it has been so long postponed, there is no chance of any thing being done this year. The weavers and the spinners must look forward in hope: time we trust, will do for them what the justice of their cause could not: our advice to them is,-Peace, Patience, Perseverance. a The weavers look for protection: the agri- It gives me great pleasure to find that the culturists have it: and the weavers do not doctrine I have been advocating for so many country than the amount of the exports of gold for which it is adopted, and was it not done to avert a suspension of cash payments, such an expedient would be deemed unpardonable. Who can justify such a vile system when there is an ample remedy at hand, and especially when the next move we make will tend to raise the fallen and strengthen the weak. years is gaining ground, and that it is no longer considered an act of treason against the commonwealth to expose to merited contempt the free trade system of Mr. Poulett Thomson, nor the gold standard of Mr. Peel. All my experience upon these subjects is derived from facts; and I do most sincerely wish that none of those who read your periodical may ever buy theirs so dearly as I bought mine. When the present This state of things cannot last, and while standard of value was adopted, in 1819, I all these errors may be so easily rectified, it foresaw that a currency so vastly dispro- must not be suffered to exist. The Bank, in portioned in amount to the wealth it has her issues, is likewise influenced by the to represent, would lower the price of that operations of the jobbers in every kind of wealth it was the design of the legislature to stock, and, therefore, totally disqualified to uphold in a far greater degree than the late support the interests of agriculture. A silMr. Ricardo had contemplated; but as I ver standard is wanted, and if we do not in was not then a member of the legislature, I this manner alter the currency, the currency could not oppose successfully that ruin which will most assuredly alter us. But why did I foresaw it would bring down upon the the honourable member for Manchester so country. It did not, however, occur to my warmly oppose the interests of his conmind that the difference would have been so stituents on the division upon Mr. Cayley's great, as I had fondly hoped that the Bank motion of the first of June, but through would have controlled in a great measure ignorance of this subject; and why was he that standard by an increased issue of pro- elected by his constituents, sans opposition, missary notes. This, however, they have but on the same ground. Is there a town not done, nor can do, under our present in the kingdom, which is so much interested standard of value, for it is the state of the in a lower standard of value, as Manchester? currency itself which occasions all these dif- The adoption of the present silver coin in ficulties, and not the want of good manage- lieu of Gold, or in connection with it for our ment in the Bank direction. Neither is the future standard of value, would have inpresent system of banking adapted to such creased the value of Manchester goods from a currency, and, therefore, either the one or the foreign exchanges alone 10 per cent. And the other must be altered before this country though Mr. Peel must be aware that the can recover its impaired vigour and former support of his bill of 1819 will occasion the prosperity. It is no longer by the wants of loss of all his popularity, and consign him to trade, nor yet of Agriculture, which is so merited oblivion, (when its real character is much injured by the direct operation of more fully known) he still clings to the capital against industry, that the Bank is golden idol which he has made, while he regulated in her issues, but by the fevers opposed Mr. Cayley on the silver currency which "The Old Lady in Threadneedle which he had adopted for two pounds and Street" is subject to, under Mr. Peel's sys- under. If the law of 1819 made twenty tem. The gold is exported, and when we shillings in silver equal to one sovereign, need more paper money, the Bank contracts although the intrinsic value of the latter is her issues upon the discount of commercial equal to 228. why should we not adopt it bills for fear of a drain, and then by the sale for any amount? I leave Mr. Peel and of Exchequer bills, if the first operation is in- Mr. Poulett Thompson to answer this quessufficient to check this evil. Such a contrac- tion. And does not this gold standard lower tion may occasion a greater loss to the the imports of corn, wool, tallow, and manu half year of its existence. Its policy is founded in wisdom; the design is noble; the prospects are good; and the constitution is admirable and I will engage, Mr. Editor, that it will require no broker to effect the sale of its shares at par, when its financial system is made public, and its first half yearly dividends announced. This is, indeed, factured goods, to the prejudice of British agriculture and labour; while on exports, its effects are still more visible, besides the abstraction of gold (for which so much labour has been paid) in loans at a high standard and a low interest. In finance, I do not know, Mr. Editor, any country in Europe that is so befooled by the monied aristocracy as England. We have actually no bubble-scheme, but an institution that the highest standard of value, when we ought, as the richest country in the world, to have adopted the lowest. It is, therefore, the landed interest which must protect the country from those perilous experiments which the loan contractors and stock jobbers have attached to our monetary system, by the exercise of that power and influence which to them belongs. By returning to first principles we shall prosper, for in supporting agriculture we give an impulse to trade, and a full employment to capital and labour. The best state to which any country can be raised is that in which all its citizens are fully and profitably employed. This is the object we should always have in view, and since it is attainable, we will follow it up, and oppose manfully that vain philosophy which occasions all our present sufferings. EPSILON. P. S. Since writing the above, I have resolved to try how far I may be made useful to the landed interest, with or without the co-operation of those seventeen noblemen, upon whose influence I had so confidently relied in my late endeavours to restore agriculture to its former state of prosperity; and shall, therefore, send you in a few days, for the next number of your Agricultural and Industrial Magazine, the Prospectus of an institution which we are now forming for their benefit, to be designated The British Agricultural Loan Company. It will consist of a capital of two millions under trust, to be divided into twenty thousand shares of one hundred pounds each, from which, however, but four thousand shares will be offered for sale in the first will long outlive its founder, and prove a blessing to future generations. TO THE EDITOR The depressed condition of Agriculture throughout the united kingdom has now become a theme of universal complaint, and a matter for the serious consideration of every man who regards the well being of his country. The present low price of Agricultural produce renders it impossible that the rents, the rates, the tithes, the taxes &c., can be paid out of it, and the labourer at the same time employed and supported. Too long have these demands been paid out of capital instead of being derived from the proceeds of the land. But the non employment of labour alone is an evil of no ordinary magnitude, both as it affects the moral condition of the labourer himself, and the consequences which must result therefrom to the country at large. It is time that the CAUSES of a state of things like these should be more generally known, and more justly appreciated. Both Farmers and land-owners have been much deluded on this head. The importations of foreign grain have been the point to which their attention has been chiefly directed; The bugbear of the day to which most of their difficulties and, distresses have been attributed. Protection from foreign competition is certainly a requisite and desirable object: but it is time that the Agriculturists should see that the duties on the importation of corn on which they have been so anxiously intent, can never alone secure to them a renumerating price. The experience of past years ought long ago to have taught them that no Corn laws can eventually maintain high prices |