sought to save. Among them will be remembered "The Romance of Dollard," "The Story of Tonty," and "Spanish Peggy."

WALLACE RICE,

Of Critical Staff, "The Dial." CHICAGO, THE REDEMPTION OF ITS COMMON COUNCIL.-In 1896, fifty-eight of the sixty-eight members of the Chicago Common Council were organized in a gang which made that city's government corrupt as that of any city in the United States. They certainly stole more money directly from the city and stole it more boldly than ever Tammany did in New York. They never had the extra-legal but not strictly illegal blackmail of corporations, saloons, brothels, etc., so thoroughly organized into a

EDWIN BURRITT SMITH.

ramified system as Tammany has had in New York, but in voting franchises and direct stealing, Tammany in its palmiest days never did a tithe as much, but in franchise-giving the Republican government in the City of Brotherly Love in the last few years is the only city government that has equaled them in the size and boldness of their stealings. This has largely been because the recent rapid development of municipal government has given larger opportunities in Philadelphia in 1901 than existed in Chicago in 1896.

Edwin Burritt Smith in an article in Municipal Affairs, says: "Within that year (1896) it (the Common Council) granted to public service corporations and blackmailing syndicates, composed in part of its own members, six great franchises of untold value, in shameless dis

regard of the public protest and the Mayor's veto. The City Council was in open alliance with the corrupt forces that have so long made municipal misrule a reproach to the American name."

Another authority says that a franchise worth not less than five million dollars was given away after the judicious distribution of a quarter of a million among the Common Council of Chicago and hardly a cent to the city's treasury.

This gang was regularly organized. It took sums in a lump and divided them among the members in certain agreed proportion, but always keeping some thousands of dollars in the treasury for emergencies and legal expenses.

But two forces, either of which alone would have been powerless, have stripped the gang of their power and have either driven them out of the Common Council or rendered them harmless there. The Illinois legislature of 1898 passed a new primary law, which The Outlook of March 26th, 1898, says is "eminently satisfactory," and then it goes on to describe how it worked for the first time: "Under the old system it was a frequent thing for nominations to be made at primaries where hardly one per cent. of the voters were present; but last week between thirty and forty per cent. were present in most of the wards, and in a few where there was a close contest as high as sixty per cent. were present. The great gain from the new system, however, was the ability of everyone who came to the polls to cast his vote without interference and with confidence that it would be counted. * ** Altogether the experiment must be pronounced singularly successful. If the machine governs only where it has the consent of the governed, its government is no longer a despotism."

But the new primary law simply made the opportunity of which some of Chicago's citizens were patriotic enough to take advantage. Mr. E. B. Smith, the Vice-President of the Municipal Voters' League, opens an article in Municipal Affairs telling of the undemocratic tendency in cities in our time. He says: "We have too long sought relief from municipal misrule by increased reliance on executive authority. There has been a tendency to rely less on the council, seek a temporary refuge in the executive and make the final stand in the courts. This retreat has been marked by various efforts to cripple the legislative authority before leaving it to the control of special interests. The authority taken from the council has been given to the executive. The powers of the Mayor have been increased and new executive commissions and boards created. This policy has but whetted the insatiable appetite of the forces to which the council has been abandoned. In the pursuit thus invited, they have already acquired undue influence in executive chambers, and signs are not wanting of their purpose to add the courts to their possessions."

Chicago was redeemed not by centralizing power and making the government more autocratic and really removed from the people, but by the aggressive action of a few unselfish men in disseminating information and arousing public spirit so that the government is more democratic and representative.

a

In January, 1895, the Civic Federation called a meeting of some 250 business. men to consider municipal misgovernment. Many wanted to organize a new municipal party; many opposed, fearing it would be so manipulated as to be only an adjunct to one of the old machines. The division was hopeless. It ended by the naming of a committee of fifteen to form a Municipal Voters' League to work for the election of "aggressively honest men.' Some thought the League might become party. No one thinks so now, as its work is much better than that any party could do. At first there was a pretty plan of a committee of one hundred, with a Democrat and a Republican from each of the city's thirty-four wards and thirty-two chosen at large. But this proved cumbersome, and it ended by a self-perpetuating committee of nine, with various sub-committees. Three of the head committee retire every year, and the remaining six elect their successors. Mr. Smith says of it: "All are of the mugwump type. There has never been a division on political lines. Indeed, there has been but one important action not directed by a unanimous vote of the executive committee. The executive committee selects its own officers, whose duties are administrative, no final action on candidates or other important matters being ever taken without the vote of the committee. The executive committee appoints finance and other special committees, often from outside its own membership. It appoints ward committees usually of from one to five members. Their duties are to advise the executive committee of local conditions; upon its direction to start movements for the nomination of independent candidates, or to secure their retirement; and to perform such other duties as they may request. No person, committee or organization in any ward has authority to use the name of the League or in any way to commit it for or against a candidate. This is regarded as vital to efficiency. The executive committee alone controls the use of its name."

The League nominates no candidates, conducts no elections, has no direct power. Ifs main work has been the careful gathering of accurate information about all candidates or possible candidates and making this information public. "In 1897," writes, Mr. Smith, "it mailed to every registered voter a pamphlet giving a detailed history of franchise legislation for several years, with the records of the retiring members of the council. Its report on the retiring half of the council, usually published about two months before the election of new members, is looked forward to as a sort of moral judgment day, and is generally regarded as the opening of the aldermanic campaign. Its final report on the qualifications of all candidates, usually published on the Friday preceding election, places in the hands of all voters the facts from which to form their own conclusions for whom to vote."

The following open letter, slightly condensed, is a sample of their methods: "Mr.

Alderman from the

Ward.

Dear Sir: Permit me to acknowledge the receipt of your open letter. You express surprise that your official record does not inspire the Municipal Voters' League with confidence

in your zeal for the defense of the city from fifty-year extensions of existing street railway franchises. We have simply said of you: keeps restaurant at street; lives street; elected to council in 1897; his record indicates weakness of character; is recorded as not voting on Commonwealth Electric, though against it after veto; opposed General Electric ordinance and gang organization of council committees; voted to proceed with seventh ward contest, for prohibiting action on franchise ordinances for thirty days after introduction and for appointment of special compensation committees; having made this good record, he spoiled it by continuous support of the street railways in their fight for fifty-year extensions; he cannot be depended on and should be retired.' This is a simple recital of facts with the conclusions that we have ventured to base on them. You do not question these facts, but raise immaterial issues whether you have violated your pledge of two years ago to the League or failed to sustain the Mayor. We express no opinion on these points.

"Our real offense which you exaggerate into 'license to traffic in the personal honor of mankind' is merely our conclusion that you 'cannot be depended on and should be retired.' We concede that it would be quite improper for us to pronounce, upon your fitness for re-election without stating the facts upon which it rests. If our conclusion is unsupported, it must fall to the ground. Indeed, if you are proud of your record and think it entitles you to reelection as a champion of public against corporate interests, we are entitled to your thanks for the wide publication which we have given and shall give it. It is quite immaterial whether I am a 'theoretical' or a 'practical' reformer. The question is upon the record you have made. The voters of your ward care nothing for our differences of opinion regarding it, but I can assure you that the record, itself, is of exceeding interest. However we may differ in regard to practical reformers' and as to the inferences to be drawn from your somewhat wobbly official record, we may at least co-operate to give that record the widest possible publication.

"Yours Very Truly,

"President M. V. League."

This man failed to get the nomination because the mere publication of the facts by the League made his re-election so improbable that his party did not want him.

Here is Mr. Smith's description of the preelection work: "The open headquarters which the League maintains for about two months prior to each aldermanic election, is the clearing house of the aldermanic campaign. It is thronged with party representatives, candidates and citizens. These come seeking to influence the executive committee for or against particular candidates. both before and after nominations are made. Suggestions, remonstrances and eulogies pour in. Blank inquiries are mailed to all candidates as, soon as announced or nominated. Letters of inquiry to references follow. Trained employes of the committee scour the city for information. Often different ones working separately are detailed on the same case. All who come are

patiently heard and the facts are carefully ascertained. It is remarkable how quickly the machinery employed usually brings to the committee sufficient facts upon which to base a safe conclusion. As the campaign progresses, candidates often bring false charges, made by opponents, to the attention of the committee. A careful inquiry, sometimes a 'confrontation' in the presence of the committee, follows. A simple bulletin from the League that it has been investigated and found false, lays a charge. Thus the League is able to suppress false charges and keep the contest on the facts and the real issue. The President and Secretary give practically their whole time during the active campaign. They are assisted by the best obtainable employes. The executive committee meets for an hour or more late in the afternoon of almost every day. No final action on candidates is ever taken without its consideration and vote."

The League never nominates a candidate of its own, though occasionally they aid the nomination by petition of an independent where both Democratic and Republican nominations seem hopelessly bad. This has not often been necessary. Its statements of facts are attested by the signatures of men of standing and responsibility, who could easily be sued for libel if what they said was untrue. No such suit has ever been begun. It has had no policies to advance unless honesty and incorruptibility can be called a policy. It has had no axes to grind unless good administration can be called such. Its methods have been the statement of facts. Its only power has been the power of truth.

What are the results? One of their officers sums them up as follows: "The 'gang' of 1895 is no more. Four only of its members, now in a hopeless minority, linger on the scene of their former exploits to mourn the good, old days when 'aldermanic business' was good. The feeble band of faithful members of five years ago became a minority of one-third, enough to sustain the veto of the mayor, after the first campaign of the League; two years later, it became a majority; one year ago it rose to two-thirds of the council and organized its committees on a non-partisan basis. has been no waiting for ideal conditions as a basis for reform. The League has seized and used the means at hand. Party organization, fattened on the spoils of a great city, by force of an aroused public opinion, have become for the moment, if somewhat halting, at least fairly efficient instruments of reform.

There

"The gain cannot be shown by mere statistics. The attempt to secure the election of men who are both honest and capable has in a large measure succeeded. Each year it has been found easier to secure qualified candidates. An increase of salary from $3 per week to $1,500 per year has contributed to this end. The council now contains many men of character and force, some of them being citizens of prominence and large personal interests. While some untried men commended by the League fall by the way, about three-fourths of them remain true. No general 'boodle' ordinance has been passed over the Mayor's veto since the first election in which the League

participated. Public despair has given place to a growing belief that the city government may be redeemed and made representative of public interests. It is no longer a good investment for public service corporations to advance large sums for the 'campaign expenses' of notorious boodlers. It has again become an honor to be a member of the Chicago council."

The redemption of Chicago has begun. That it is unfinished is manifest on every hand, but that it will go on is made sure by the noble closing paragraph of Mr. Smith's article. It breathes a healthy optimism.

He says: "The influence of the League was never more potent than in the late municipal campaign. Fifty-five of the eighty candidates voted for at the polls voluntarily came in, signed the League platform and on it appealed for support. Twenty-five of these were elected. The pledge to organize the council committees on a non-partison basis of integrity and fitness was so definite that it was expected it would be faithfully kept. Party pressure proved too strong to resist. All but one of the Republicans entered a party caucus and there named the committees of the council for this year. The League promptly denounced the party caucus as an open betrayal of a solemn pledge. Men elected to act for the people have betrayed their pledges in order to represent in the council the local bosses of a national political party. This unlooked for reverse has forced the executive committee of the League to consider the next step in municipal reform that the law should be so amended as to prohibit the appearance on the official ballot of candidates for municipal office under party names or their nomination except by petition. Until this reform shall be secured the League is likely more and more to promote independent candidacies. It views with increasing distrust a power that can compel men of standing openly to betray their most solemn promises to the people. Whatever the discouragement of the moment, there is no disposition to falter. The League will go forward. The movement for which it stands must be persistent." ELTWEED POMEROY, M. A.

CHILE, a republic of South America, lately reported to be on the verge of war with Argentina. In 1899 Chile had an area of 293,970square miles and a population estimated at 3,110,085. The country is divided into twentythree provinces and one territory.

Chile is not much larger than Texas. It occupies but little more space than the combined area of Missouri, Iowa, Nebraska and Kansas. In respect to size Chile is the seventh of the republics of South America, ranking next to Colombia (513,900 square miles), Bolivia (567,430 square miles), Venezuela (593,943 square miles), Peru (695,733 square miles), Argentina (1,793,073 square miles), and Brazil (3,218,130 square miles). Owing to incomplete surveys and disputed boundaries these figures are subject to revision.

While the estimates of the population of South American countries are more or less inaccurate, it is believed that Chile ranks fourth in population, next to Colombia (3.878,600), Argentina (4,800,000), and Brazil (14,333,915). Of

late years Chile has been considered one of the most influential of the Spanish-American republics.

The Chileans are a half-Spanish, half-Indian race. The number of Indians, called Araucanians, is perhaps 50.000. In 1899 there were 72,812 foreigners in Chile, as follows: Spanish, 8,296; French, 7,809; Italian, 7,587; German, 7,049; British, 6,241; Austro-Hungarian, 1,490; American, 701; various. 33,639. Since 1895 the population has increased about 5 per cent.

The population of the principal cities (Dec. 31, 1899) was estimated as follows: Santiago, 320,638; Valparaiso, 143.022; Conception, 55,458: Talca, 42,625; Chillan, 35,052; Iquique, 33,852.

GOVERNMENT.-The independence of Chile

ciples and aristocratic ideas caused many outbreaks and revolutions among the Chileans, who have been involved with wars also with other nations. During the last two or three decades the liberal party prevailed under the leadership of Balmaceda, who did much to promote popular education and public improvements.

The president of Chile is elected by a convention of delegates representing the people. His term of office is five years; his salary is eighteen thousand pesos (about $16,500), besides 12,000 pesos for expenses. He is assisted by a cabinet of six members and a Council of State, composed of eleven members chosen by himself and by the congress. Says Child: "This Council is not remunerated and is of little importance, owing to the great pow

The

was declared in 1810, the year of the revolt of the Spanish provinces of South America. revolutionists met with reverses, but finally obtained their freedom in 1818. A republican government was set up on the basis of the constitution of 1814, which was remodeled in 1833; some important amendments were made in 1874. The constitution of 1833 was aristocratic, making "public affairs and public offices almost the exclusive monopoly of the upper classes of society."

The republic of Chile is a highly centralized government, more like the British monarchy than the representative system of our own country. Until recent years, the course of democracy in Chile never ran smooth, owing to the conservative feudal class, mostly of Spanish blood. The conflict of liberal prin

ers held by the President, who really directs the whole administrative and elective machinery. Thus the President appoints and removes at will the intendentes, or governors of provinces, and the gobernadores, or governors of departments. These latter appoint the subdelegates, who preside over the subdelegations, and in their turn appoint inspectores, who preside over districts. In this way the President controls absolutely the political administration of the republic in its divisions and subdivisions of province, department, subdelegation, and district; all the officials are his creatures, and dependent for their position on his good-will. The municipal authority is vested in city councils, elected every three years by the people; but their activity is very limited. The judicial power is vested in magistrates appointed, un

STREET SCENE, VALPARAISO.

der certain rules, by the President of the republic; but they can be revoked without legal cause."

The Chilean Congress or Parliament consists of two assemblies, the Senate (32 members) and the Chamber of Deputies (94 members). The members of both houses are elected by popular vote, the senators for six years and the deputies for three years. Because of the great powers vested in Congress, it has been called "omnipotent." A popular president, however, is able to shape the course of national policy to a considerable, extent. The regular session of Congress lasts three months (June 1-Sept. 1).

The President of the Republic of Chile is Jerman Riesco, elected June 25, and inaugurated Sept. 18, 1901. His cabinet is as follows: Minister of the Interior, Don Ramon Barros Luco; Minister of Foreign Affairs and Coloniation, Don Eliodoro Yanez; Minister of Justice and Public Education, Don Manuel E. Ballesteros; Minister of Finance, Don Juan L. Sanfuentes; Minister of War and Marine, Don Bettran Mathieu; Minister of Industry and Public Works, Don Ismael Tocornal.

AGRICULTURE.-About half of the Chileans follow agriculture. The chief crop is wheat, yielding 28,000,000 bushels annually. Other cereals are raised to the amount of 8,000,000 bushels each year. It is a good country for peas, beans, flax, hemp and tobacco. Apples and grapes are grown in large quantities. country is too mountainous for extensive grazing. Over 600,000 cattle are raised annually, also 2,000,000 sheep, goats, etc.

The

Vine culture has become an important industry. "Owing to its geographical location Chile possesses conditions of soil and climate that are admirably adapted to horticulture, and especially to the cultivation of wine-producing grapes." The wine industry represents capital aggregating $150,000,000 and employs 50,000 persons. Both white and red wines are

produced.

The farmers of Chile are very rich, having estates of thousands of acres, worth often from $100,000 to $1,000,000. "The climate of Chile," says Carpenter, "is similar to that of California. The same crops and fruits are ⚫ raised in both places and the conditions of suc"Theodore Child. "The Spanish-American Republics" (1891), pp 127, 128.

cessful farming are alike, save that in California one inds most of the farms very small." MINERAL PRODUCTION.-There are extensive nitrate fields in northern Chile, covering some 220,000 acres and containing immense quantities of the nitrate of commerce. The world's supply of nitrate of soda is derived chiefly from these deposits. The production of Chilean nitrate in 1900 was 32,475,000 Spanish quintals, and the exports were 31,550,000 quintals (about 1,434,090 tons), valued at more than $100,000,000.

Chile is exceedingly rich in mines of gold, silver, copper, coal, etc. No recent statistics of the output are at hand. However, the exports of copper, nitrate, iodine, and borate of lime practically represent the production. In 1899 the exports of these articles were as follows: Copper matte, valued at $684,965; copper ore, $3,585,443; copper in bars, $14,928,273; Chile saltpeter, $98,650,282; iodine, $4,108,427; borate of lime, $2,242,618.

The exports of coal in 1899 amounted to $4,839,900, against $4,239,943 in 1898. Of manganese ore the exports in 1899 were $1,227,922.

The exports of gold ore in 1899 amounted to $6,051; of gold bullion, $2,461,234; of silver and gold ore, $129,416. Only rough estimates have been made of the output of 1900.

The exports of silver ore were $247.597; of silver in bars, etc., $3,791,589; of silver sulphuret ore, $1,017,110.

Other exports were: Lead, $34,221. and mineral specimens, $64,521.

MANUFACTURES.-Foreign consuls in Valparaiso and other cities of Chile report that the local industries are progressing. The most important establishments are engaged in shipbuilding, in making sugar, soap, candles, chocolate, biscuits, hats, clothing, textiles, tinware, etc. There are flourishing tanneries, breweries, distilleries, foundries, carriage works, sawmills, etc. In the variety of its industries Chile is far ahead of its neighbors to the north.

FINANCE. Ten years ago Theodore Child wrote of the satisfactory condition of Chilean finance: "Among South American republics Chile has the rare privilege of being not only solvent, but also of having excellent credit." This was due to the large revenue from nitrate royalties, amounting to $20,000,000 in 1890.

The external public debt of Chile (Dec. 31, 1899) was 234,289,413 pesos, or $84,344,188.68 (reckoning the peso at 36 cents in U. S. money). The rates of interest on the external debt are 42, 5, and 6 per cent. The internal debt (including municipal obligations) was 75,964,770 pesos ($27,347,307).

In 1898 the real property of the Republic was valued at 626,363,137 pesos. From data gathered in 1893-96 the aggregate value of corporate and private properties was estimated at 1,442,000,709 pesos. The total money circulation is thought to be not far from $30,000,000, or about $9 per capita.

Inder the law of 1890 the date fixed for the conversion of the Chilean currency was Dee. 31, 1901. The government now proposes to postpone for two years the conversion of the fifty millions of paper dollars of the existing issue. It will make no first issue of paper.

F. G. Carpenter," South America: Social, Industrial, and Political" (1900), p. 232.