a difficulty being made about it, unless the negotiations should come to nothing on other grounds. The Archduke had been himself heard to say, 'alleging what troubles might come of diversities of religion, that he would not only forbear to hear mass in England, but would adventure his blood upon any that should move disturbance in the realm upon that occasion.' 'At all events,' the Queen said, 'it would touch her reputation to change her laws for a marriage, and the example would breed more trouble than could well be remedied.' The Archduke had better come to England and see, and be seen; and Sussex was directed to use private persuasions' to induce him to return with the embassy.

The religious difficulty was in reality nothing but an excuse. Elizabeth however pretended to be sincerely anxious that the treaty should go forward, and the objection to allowing a Catholic service was so far well. grounded, that the Spanish ambassador had declared again and again that the first mass said publicly in England would be a signal for a general insurrection. And it is clear that what Elizabeth said was not regarded as in any sense fatally conclusive. Whether the Archduke had or had not used the words imputed to him, he at least paused to consider. Eventually, neither he nor the Emperor would undertake the responsibility of a decision till they had sent to consult Philip.

While a messenger therefore was despatched to Spain, Sussex remained in state at Vienna, fed every day with spiced dishes from the Imperial table,' and

dainty fruits from the gardens at Schonbrunn.' It was not till the 24th of October that the Austrian Government-in possession at last of Philip's views—were in a position to enter upon the question.

November.

Maximilian declined to interfere, and left the decision to his brother. The Archduke insisted at once that he could not go to England to be looked at, and then if the Queen did not like him, to find himself cast aside on the pretext of religion. He was afraid that religion would be made use of to cover less producible objections, and insisted on seeing his way clearly before going further. Sussex said, ‘that although he had not her Majesty's eyes, whereby he might judge of features that would best like her, he feit assured that she would find no just cause to satisfy the world why she should after sight mislike him.' But the Archduke had been long trifled with. He chose to know where he was standing, and if he went to England, Elizabeth should either accept him or be forced into the discourtesy of passing a personal slight upon the Imperial House. He said he would not give up his religion, but he was willing to abandon the open profession of it. He must hear mass, but it should be either privately in his room, or anywhere that the Queen might choose to appoint, and the world should know nothing of it. This was his only condition. If it were conceded, he would accompany the embassy to the English Court.

Lord Sussex, who believed the marriage indispensable to Elizabeth's safety, reported the Archduke's

words, and added a hope that before she decided, 'God would send her Majesty good advice.' If her consent would be dangerous to the Reformed faith, if public scandal were likely to arise from it, no true friend to England, he said, would advise her to yield. If the real objections were taken away by the secrecy, and there remained only 'an imaginary danger, not grounded upon reason,' then 'he that should dissuade her from an alliance which alone could defend her from many certain perils, would do an ill deed towards God, her Majesty, and the Realm.'1

So Sussex wrote to the Queen. With Cecil he was more explicit. The Archduke, he said, would allow no Englishman to attend the Catholic service or know that it existed. He promised to be advised by the Queen if public offence should grow of it.' He would himself accompany her Majesty to the services of the Established Church; and he stipulated only that if he went to England, and if on seeing him she disliked his person, she should not betray the engagements which he had offered to make. Sussex pointed out to Cecil what Cecil knew as well as he-the pleasure which the marriage would give throughout England; the hope of issue, with the avoiding of bloodshed in a disputed succession;' the security to the Queen's throne; the advantages to herself' of the companionship of a virtuous Prince;' 'the satisfaction of the nobility;' the prospects which it would bring with it of universal

1 Sussex to Elizabeth, October 24: MSS. Germany, Rolls House.

peace in Europe; the probability of the Prince's conversion, and the effect which that conversion would produce on the spread of the Gospel.

'Without it,' he concluded—and his words are most significant, I foresee discontent, disunion, bloodshed of her people-perhaps in her own time, for this cause, and the ruin of the realm in the end; which bloody time threateneth little respect of religion, but much malice and revenge for private ambition on all sides; which many by wilful blindness for other respects will not see, and yet put on spectacles to search a scruple under colour of religion."1

1

No words could have expressed more clearly the conviction which was forcing itself upon Elizabeth's statesmen, that the quiet which she had hitherto enjoyed was not to last much longer, and that some dangerous convulsion or other was fast approaching. The disasters of the Queen of Scots were hastening the crisis. The Catholics had been patient in the expectation of the Scottish succession. Their cause was gaining ground everywhere in Europe. They had themselves been recruiting their numbers and recovering strength and confidence through the fear or the reluctance of the Queen to allow the laws to be enforced against them. They would not sit still under their disappointment, and if the succession question was to remain an open sore, they would be drawn into intrigue, conspiracy, and rebellion. In his concluding words, Sus

1 Sussex to Cecil, October 27: MSS. Germany, Rolls House.

sex evidently referred to Elizabeth's evil genius, the Earl of Leicester, who, when it served his turn, had been ready to swear by Philip and the council of Trent, and who now, it seemed, had changed colours. In resentment at the determined hostility of the Catholic noblemen, Leicester had gone over to the Puritans, carrying or seeming to carry the Earl of Pembroke along with him.1 Caring only for his own miserable self, he had divided the council upon the marriage with the cry of 'Popery;' frightened the bishops; and set on Jewel to stir the passions of the London mob.2

A Protestant panic was systematically kindled. The deposed Catholic prelates were placed in straiter confinement. Suspected houses in London were searched, and strangers found there were made to give account of

1 'Lo que mas aprieta los Catoli- | Lord of Leicester, my Lord Steward cos es ver que el Conde de Leicester (Pembroke), my Lord Marquis (of se ha mucho confirmado en la here- Northampton), and the Vice Chamgia; y que le sigue el Conde de Pem-berlain (Sir T. Heneage), be against broke á quien han tenido por Catolico.'-De Silva to Philip, December 1: MSS. Simancas.

2 For the news which I know you are most anxious to hear ofwhich is of the Duke Charles, and of my Lord of Sussex's proceedings therein, there is and hath been such working to overthrow that, as the like hath not been—which is pitiful to hear of. The council here at this present are in manner divided touching the same, and it is made a matter of religion, and they say they do it for conscience' sake. But God knoweth what conscience is in them which go about to hinder it. My

VOL. VIII.

his coming in. My Lord Chamberlain (Lord Howard of Effingham), my Lord Admiral (Lord Clinton), Mr Secretary (Cecil), and Mr Controller (Sir James Crofts), do wish his coming in. Whereupon Jewel made a sermon at Paul's Cross upon Sunday was sennight, his theme being—