raised, in whofe name they had fought, and

• well being asked how he could trust a man, whose intereft was fo directly oppofite to what he had profeffed, ' and one whom he had lately aimed to remove from all places of truft? he answered, that he had now received particular affurance from colonel Rainfborough, as great as could be given by man, that he would be 'conformable to the judgment and direction of himself and commiffary-general Ireton, for the managing of the whole bufinefs at fea.

3. That it is lawful to pass through any forms of ' government for the accomplishing his ends; and there'fore either to purge the houses, and support the re'maining party, by force everlastingly, or to put a period to them by force, is very lawful and fuitable to 'the intereft of honest men.

4. That it is lawful to play the knave with a knave.

• These gentlemen aforefaid in the army, thus principled, and (as by many other circumftances might appear) acting accordingly, give too much cause to believe, that the fuccefs which may be obtained by the army (except timely prevented by the wifdom of the parliament) will be made use of to the deftroying of all that power, for which we firft engaged; and having, for above these twelve months paft (fadly and with much reluctance) observed these several paffages aforefaid, yet with fome hopes, that at length there might be a returning to the obedience of parliament; and, contrary hereunto, knowing that refolutions were taken up, that, in cafe the power of parliament cannot be gained to countenance their designs, then to ⚫ proceed without it: I, therefore, choose to quit myfelf of my command, wherein I have ferved the par⚫liament these five years laft paft, and put myself upon the greatest hazard by discovering these truths, rather than, by hopes of gain, with a troubled mind, con

⚫tinue

and by whom they had been paid, to erafe

out

tinue an abettor or affiftant of fuch as give affronts to the parliament and kingdom, by abufing their power and authority, to carry on their particular defigns, against whom, in the midft of danger, I fhall ever aver the truth of this narrative, and myself to be a (2) Thurloe, conftant, faithful and obedient fervant to the parlia ment of England (q).

vol. i. p.

94.

rials, p.

327.

Aug. 2, 1648.

ROB. HUNTINGTON.'

This paper fully manifefts the principles and the ambition of Cromwell; and is written with fuch a spirit and () Memo- air of truth, as ftrongly inclines one to believe it. Mr. Whitlock tells us, it was confirmed by Huntington, on oath, in the house of lords (r), though no mention is at all made of it in the Journals of the houfe of commons. This may probably be accounted for by the following paffages in one of the weekly writers of that time. He [Huntington] endeavoured likewife to prefent it to the commons, but (fuch is the terror of that huge trifle, or idol of the faction) that none would be seen to move in the houfe; which being perceived by the major, he made bold to prefent it to Mr. Speaker's own felf, who, being a new creature of Oliver's, of < about a twelvemonth's ftanding, durft not countenance fuch a piece of blafphemy against his creator; fo that, at length, the major went and tendered it to Mr. Ber() Mercu-ket, the ferjeant at arms: but he, being of the fame rius Pragtemper with his good mafters, told him, he had noAug, 1-3, thing to fay to it (s).' This is remarkable. Mr. Ludlow, perhaps, will give us the reafon of it. These affairs (the infurrection in Wales, and the motions in Scotland in behalf of the King) neceffitated the parliament to raise the militia, in order to oppose this malevolent spirit which threatened them from the north, and alfo prevailed with them to discountenance a charge

maticus,

1648.

• of

out of their Journals what was difpleafing

of high treason framed by major Huntington, an officer of the army, with the advice of fome members of 'both houses, against lieutenant-general Cromwell, for endeavouring, by betraying the King, parliament and army, to advance himfelf; it being manifeft, that the preferring this accufation at that time, was principally defigned to take him off from his command, (†) Vol. i. ' and thereby to weaken the army, that their enemies P. 253. ⚫ might be the better enabled to prevail against them (t).' It poffibly, alfo, was not deemed fafe to countenance an accufation of this kind against the master of legions. However, in juftice to the character of Cromwell, 'tis fit the reader fhould be informed, that Milton declares the whole accufation was owing to the hatred and malice of the presbyterian faction. Hear his words. Dum ' is communem hoftem cum vitæ difcrimine propulfat hi Presbyteriani] militantem pro fefe & in acie forti'ter dimicantem confilis criminibus accufant domi; & Huntingtonum centurionem q endam in ejus caput 'fubornant.- Huntingtonus autem ille accufator, impunis & fui juris relictus, tandem pænitentia ductus, Works, vol. ipfe fua fponte a Cromuello veniam petiit, & a quibus ii. p. 398. 'effet fubornatus ultro faffus eft (u). i. e. Whilft

he ftaves off the enemy at the peril of his life, these [the Presbyterians] accufe him, fighting bravely for them, and amidst the very encounter itself, of feigned crimes, and fuborn one major Huntington against his head.And that accufer Huntington, unpunished ' and left to his own liberty, at length, ftruck with re'morfe, came of himself, and befought Cromwell's pardon, and freely confelled by whom he had been fub'orned.'-I fhall conclude this note with obferving, that Mr. Wood informs us, that major Huntington hated Athenae • Oliver for his diabolical proceedings, and was hated by Oxonienfes, him again fo much, that he imprifoned him feveral vol. ii. times (x). This looks not as if he had asked pardon, and confeffed his fault.

to

C. 1174.

to them (BB), or contrary to their humours. This

(BB) The foldiery, inftigated by Cromwell, refused to disband, &c.] A good part of the proofs of this may be found in the foregoing note. But, as the teftimony of an adversary may not be fo fatisfactory, we will give fuch farther evidence as is unquestionable.'Tis well known, that, after the decline of the King's affairs, through the valour and conduct of the new modelled army, he departed from Oxford in difguife, and threw himfelf into the hands of the Scots, then laying fiege to Newark. 'Tis not unlikely his Majefty thought that they would have afforded him both protection and affiftance, as he well knew great debates had arisen between them and the English parliament, and that there was no love towards each other fubfifting. In truth neitheir feem to have had any great cause to be fatisfied. However, the King foon found himself mistaken. Though the Scots treated him with great outward respect, and spake him fair, yet they intended not to join his party, or attempt to restore him to his former greatnefs, in oppofition to the English, in whose pay, as well as alliance they were.They, therefore, perfuaded his Majefty to relinquish the few remaining garrifons he had left, which, accordingly, he did, and to enter into a negociation for peace with his kingdoms. In a petition of the Earl of Leven, lord-general, the general officers, colonels, captains, &c. of the Scots army, prefented to his Majefty at Newcastle, dated June 26, 1646, we have the following paffages: We do "make it our humble addrefs, and tender this earnest petition to your Majefty in our name, and in the • name of all the inferior commanders and foldiers un• der our charge, that your Majefty, in your wisdom and goodness, may be pleased to take a speedy course for fettling of religion and church government in this kingdom, according to the word of God, and examples of the best reformed churches, and bringing the churches of the three kingdoms to the nearest con6 • junction

This was but the beginning, however, of that

<

• junction and uniformity, and for establishing the privileges and liberties of your kingdoms according to the defires of your good people. We may not conceal our unfeigned grief, for that your Majefty hath not yet been pleased to authorise and sign the covenant, which, we are confident, would bring honour to God, happiness to yourself and pofterity, and en• dear your Majefty, above measure, to all your faith⚫ful and loyal fubjects; in the juft defence whereof, as many of them have already loft their lives, fo are we 'ready to facrifice ours. We must also pray your Majefty to compaffionate the diftreffed condition of your kingdoms, groaning under the heavy preffures of manifold calamities, occafioned by the continuance of • this unnatural war; and to comply with the councils of your parliaments; that all differences being happily compofed, and the armies in both kingdoms difbanded, we may return home in peace, or be difpofed of otherwife by your Majefty, with the advice of your parliaments, which may be moft for your Majefty's honour and fervice, and the profperity of (y) Parlia these kingdoms (y).' This addrefs, which feems to mentary Hif have been very conformable to the fentiments of the xv. p. 13. then ruling party in Scotland, one would think must have undeceived Charles with regard to his hopes from this army. For the covenant, and compliance with the councils of parliaments, were grating founds in his ears, and announced the utterers far from friends.—What followed is well known. Propofitions were fent to the King from both houfes of parliament to Newcastle; long debates were carried on between him and Mr. Henderfon concerning church government, and things ftill remained as they were. At length the controverfies between England and Scotland were concluded by articles of agreement; whereby, on the payment of two hundred thoufand pounds in hand, and a promife of the fame fum hereafter, the Scots confented to quit all the places of ftrength

tory, vol.