to justice. In order to which, as well as to accomplish his fchemes of power and

་

am

(t) Vol. v.

' provided for and accommodated, as he had ufed to 'be in any progrefs: the best gentlemen, of the feve'ral counties through which he paffed, daily reforted 'to him, without diftinction: he was attended by fome of his old trufty fervants in the places neareft his perfon and that, which gave him most encouragement to believe that they meant well, was, that in the 'army's addrefs to the parliament, they defired that care might be taken for fettling the King's rights, ' according to the feveral profeffions they had made in 'their declarations; and that the royal party might be. 'treated with more candour and lefs rigour and many good officers, who had ferved his Majefty faithfully, were civilly received by the officers of the army, and lived quietly in their quarters, which they could not do any where elfe; which raifed a great reputation 'to the army throughout the kingdom, and as much reproach upon the parliament (1). What the confequence of all this was, I have elsewhere, at large, fhewn (u). Suffice it here to fay, that Charles might () Hiftorihave had reasonable good terms, his condition confi- tical Acdered, from Cromwell and Ireton; but, on refufing to count of the clofe with them frankly, he loft the opportunity he Charles I. then had, and rendered them his most avowed ene- p. 388. mies. The fincerity of Cromwell, in his negotiations with the King at this juncture, is called in queftion, by late writer, in the following words: Had thefe been fincerely his fentiments [affection and regard for the King] he would never have altered them, ' for the King gave him no occafion; fince it is clearly ' proved, that his final anfwer to the propofals which were made him, not only spoke the fenfe of him and Ireton, as the King conceived it, but was altered by 'their hands till it fatisfied themselves. Had he been 'really inclined to reftore the King, he might have

a very

་

P. 50.

done it now with a high hand; a great majority of

the

cal and Cri

Life of

ambition, he promoted the votes of no more

ad

the parliament were for him; the city of London was • in their fentiments; the measures taken by the Scots, and the infurrections in feveral counties in his favour, fhew, that this was alfo the fenfe of the nation: if, therefore, lieutenant-general Cromwell had made ufe of his wonderful capacity, to difpofe the army not to any new defign, but to have performed their own promifes; he might have fettled the government upon (x) Biogra- its old foundation, and have made himself a very great phia Britan-man (x).' i. e. he might have been made Earl of Efnica, P. fex, and knight of the garter, things faid to be promifed him by the King, as well as the advancement (y) Flagel- of his fon, and his fon-in-law Ireton, to pofts of high lum, p. 55. honour and dignity (y). I will not warrant what is

1552.

6

here faid concerning the honours promifed to Cromwell and his family: the writer, from whom I quote it, is of too little authority to have any great ftrefs laid on his unfupported narrative; nor will I make any remarks on the reafonings juft recited, any farther than to obferve, that Cromwell had probably fufficient cause to alter his fentiments, with refpect to the expediency of concluding a peace with Charles, and reinftating him in his power. Sufficient caufe he had, I fay, for this: for his treaty with the King was very ill resented by the agitators, after Charies had fo long dallied with the army, and neglected to comply with the terms proposed for his fafety and reftoration. Cromwell had got the better of these men, indeed, at the rendezvous at Ware, by the death of one, and making prifoners of others. But their spirit was unconquerable. Two thirds of the army had been fince with Ieren and Cromwell, to tell them, that, though they were certain to perish in the enterprize, they would leave nothing unattempted to bring the whole army to their fenfe; and that, if all failed, they would make a divifion in the army, and join with any who would affift them in the de• ftruction of thofe that fhould oppofe them.'-Upon this

bold

addreffes to his Majefty; defeated the Welch and

bold declaration 'tis faid Cromwell and Ireton argued thus: If the army divide, the greater part will join with the presbyters, and will, in all likelihood, prevail, to our ruin, by forcing us to make our applications to the King, wherein we fhall rather beg than offer any affistance, which, if the King fhould give, and afterwards have the good fortune to prevail, if he should then pardon us, it will be all we can pretend, and more than we can certainly promise ourselves: there⚫ upon concluding, that, if they could not bring the army to their fenfe, that it was beft to comply with (z) Ludlow, them, a fchifm being utterly deftructive to both (z).' vol. i. p. Lord Helles, fpeaking of Cromwell's treaty with the 228. King, owns the danger he was at length in from the army on that account: The party [of the agitators] would not give way to this [the agreement with his Majefty]; hatred to the King, envy and jealoufies against their afpiring leaders, and a violent defire of having their work done at once, lay all perfons and things level on the fudden, bring forth their mon⚫ftrous conceptions at one birth, made them break out, fly in their faces, difcover many of their villanies, and, as appears by that business of Lilburn and IV ildman, even refolve to take Cromwell out of the way, and murder him for an apoftate (a). Surely this does (a) Menot look as if Cromwell might have reftored the King 184. with an high hand! The truth is, he might have done it in the beginning of the King's refiding with the army; but his ftiffness, his obftinacy, if I may fo fpeak, in adhering to his own opinions, and the hopes he had of availing himself of the difputes between the parlia ment and the army, rendered the latter very fufpicious of his intentions, and, at length, averfe to his intereft. Befides, if I might offer a conjecture in this affair, it looks to me exceeding probable, that Cromwell, after a thorough trial, might be afraid to truft to what his Majefty promifed, in order to remount the throne. For,

moirs,

ac

P. 91.

and the Scotch, who took up arms in be

half

according to Clarendon, Oliver declared in the house of commons, that the King was a man of great parts, and great understanding, but that he was fo great a • diffembler, and so false a man, that he was not to be trufted. And thereupon repeated many particulars, whilft he was in the army; that his Majefty wifhed that fuch and fuch things might be done, which, being done to gratify him, he was difpleased and complained of it that, whilft he profeffed, with all folemnity, that he referred himself wholly to the parlia< ment, and depended only upon their wisdom and counfels, for the fettlement and compofing the distractions of the kingdom, he had, at the fame time, fecret • treaties with the Scottish commiffioners, how he might • embroil the nation in a new war, and deftroy the (6) Vol. v. parliament (b). Such was the light in which Charles probably appeared to Cromwell, who pierced through every mask, while his own was generally impenetrable to those who were moft converfant with him. There is an anecdote related concerning the infincerity of the King to the lieutenant-general, which, if true, will eafily account for every thing done to the former by the latter.In a letter to his Queen, without whofe knowledge and confent he feldom cared to do any thing, he is faid to have acquainted her, That, though he affented to the army's proposals, yet, if by to doing, he could procure peace, it would be easier then to take off Cromwell, than now he was the head that ⚫ governed the army.' This is faid to have come to his (c) Life of knowledge, and determined him never more to truft the King (c). For the truth of this I will not vouch, Cromwell, though it is agreeable to the whole of his Majefty's p. 69. 8vo. character.- After this, can we wonder that Cromwell might think himself at liberty to practife Charles's arts on himself? or rather, are we not to admire at thofe who reflect on Cromwell for endeavouring to induce the King to remove by stealth from Hampton-court (where

Oliver

Lond. 1724.

half of the King, and purged the house of

com

his life he was informed was in danger) and go into the Ifle of Wight, as into a safe prison (if that in fact was his intention) where he might be ready at hand to be difpofed of as beft fuited the inclinations or conveniency of the ruling party of the army?What man a'moft would not have done the fame? However, as to the letter written by Cromwell to colonel Whalley, on which (d) Meso much stress is laid by Lord Holles (d), and the writ moirs, p. ers of the Biographia Britannica, if we may believe 187. Charles himself, it was not the occafion of his flight from Hampton-court. In a letter written by him from thence, dated November 11, 1647, and left for colonel Whalley, he writes as follows: I have been fo civilly • used by you and major Huntington, that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under my hand, as alfo to defire the continuance of your courtefie, by your protecting of my household stuff and moveables of all forts, which I leave behind me in this house, that they be neither spoiled nor imbezeled, -So being confident you wish my preservation and • reftitution, I reft your friend, Charles. I affure you it was not the letter you fhewed me yesterday that made 'me take this resolution, nor any advertisement of that kind: but, I confefs, I am loath to be made a close (e) King prifoner, under pretence of fecuring my life (e).' So Charles's that Lord Clarendon has only committed one of his ufual Works, p. mistakes, when he fays, That his Majefty did really 156.

6

P. 76.

believe their malice [the levellers] was at the height, and that they did defign his murder (f).That () Vol. v. Cromwell wrote to Whalley is certain, and Whalley déclares, That the letter, intimating fome murtherous defign, or, at leaft, fome fear of it, againft his Majefty, was the ground of his fhewing it to him. When I received this letter,' adds he, I was much astonished, • abhorring that fuch a thing should be done, or fo much as thought of, by any that bear the name of christians. When I had fhewn the letter to his Majefty, I told

6