Clarendon's

118.

• doubt could be made of the validity of titles (z).' (x) ContiThe reader need not be told how much honour this nuation of relation does to the parliament of the commonwealth Life, vol. ii. of England, by whofe wifdom thefe great things were p. 114thus fettled and accomplished. His lordship ftrongly indeed infinuates cruelty in thefe proceedings: but his word is not to be depended on. That they intended the utter extirpation of the Irish nation is meer calumny, as appears from the preamble to the act for fettling Ireland, in which, among other reafons for pasfing it, one is, That the people of that nation might know that it is not the intention of the parliament to extirpate that whole nation, but that mercy and pardon, both as to life and eftate, may be extended to all hufbandmen, plowmen, labourers, artificers, and (a) Scobel's others of the inferior fort (a).' The curious reader collections, will do well to confult the act. I will not dilate on his Anno 1652, lordship's ftiling Tipperary a province; fuch a mistake is pardonable in a man who confeffes himself to have been ignorant of there being any fuch place in England as (b) ContiSheerness (b). However, I cannot find that Cromwell nuation, vol. referved it as a demefne for the state or his own family. iii. p. 752. -I will only add, that Lord Molefworth gives it as his opinion, that to Cromwell's diftributing of the enemies lands to the fo'diers in Ireland, we owe that kingdom's being a proteftant kingdom at this day, and its continuing fubject to the crown of Eng• land (c).'

Lieutenant-general Ludlow had a great share in all thefe tranfactions.-The fpirit with which he acted will appear from the following anfwer given to a letter of the Marquis of Clanrickarde, defiring a conference with him for the fettling the repofe of the nation, and a fafe conduct for commiffioners to treat with him for that purpose.

c. 13.

(c) Preface

to Holio

man's Franco Gallia, 2d edit. p.

30.

My

(d) Ludlow, vol. i. p.

398.

the actions of Cromwell (LL) in Scotland,

IN

My Lord,

which,

N answer to yours of the 24th of March, by which you propofe a treaty for the fettlement of this country, and defire a fafe conduct for the commiffioners you fhall judge fit to employ in the management of that affair, I think fit, in purfuance of the advice of the commiffioners of the parliament of England, and of many officers of the English army, to advertise you, as hath been already anfwered to thofe who have fent propofitions of the like nature, that the fettlement of this nation doth of right belong to the parliament of the commonwealth of England, to whom we are obliged in duty to leave it, being affured that they will not capitulate with thofe who ought to fubmit to them, and yet oppose themselves to their authority, and upon vain and frivolous hopes have refufed fuch offers of favour as they would gladly accept at present: so that I fear they will be constrained to proceed against them with the highest severity, which that you may prevent by your timely fubmiffion, is the defire of,

My Lord,

Your humble fervant,

EDMUND LUDLOW (d).

This reduction of Ireland, in so short a time, when the affairs of the commonwealth were in fo low a ftate there, does, undoubtedly, great honour to Cromwell, as well as the other commanders in chief after him. His actions here have always juftly made one part of his panegyric. We fhall foon fee that he did not difgrace them by any after military ill behaviour.

(LL) Cromwell's actions in Scotland, and the victory of Worcester.] 'Tis well known, that the Scots were extremely ill used by Charles the firft; that they opposed his measures; marched an army into England; joined with the parliament, and helped to reduce him to a

ftate

which, with the victory at Worcester, so to

tally

ftate of captivity. They ftopped fhort, however, here, and very violently oppofed his trial and condemnation, looking on him as their King, and the judges as murtherers.- -Thus matters ftood when the commonwealth was erected in England. Soon after application was made to Charles 11. by commiffioners from the Scottish nation, in order to his entrance into that kingdom, and mounting the throne of his ancestors. Many of the young King's coun'ellors were against this, looking on the Scots as a rebellious nation who had been the original caufe of the late King's misfortunes. And very probable it is, that had not Lord Ormonde, and the catholic confederates in Ireland, been defeated by Jones and Cromwell, he would not have had a thought of going thither. Lord Byron, in a letter to the Marquis of Ormonde, dated Hague, April 12, 1649, N. S. writes as follows: Commiffioners are come out of Scotland, confifting of one Earl (the Earl of Caffels) two burgeffes, and four divines, to treat with his Majefty concerning the affairs of that kingdom, or rather to impose unfufferable conditions upon him. To give the better affurance of their good intentions to his fervice, immediately before their coming out of Scotland, the Marquis of Huntley was put to death ⚫ for no other crime but his loyalty to the King. Their propofitions are as infolent as can be imagined; for they require that all malignants and evil counsellors. (and particularly the Marquis of Montrofe) fhould be • banished the court; that his Majefty fhould take both the national covenant and the holy league and covenant (as they term it) and establish a prefbyterian government in all his kingdoms. But the King being now unfortunately in a presbyterian country, cannot refent thefe indignities fo as otherwife he 'would. Howfoever, his intention is, not to enter into any particular debate of these propofitions, but to remit the commiffioners till his coming into Ire

.

land,

(e) Ormonde's

State pa

P. 268.

tally broke the power of Scotland, that it

was

land, the matters propounded by them concerning his other kingdoms as well as Scotland (e).—Sir Edward Nicholas, in a letter to the fame nobleman, dated pers, vol. i. ferfey, October 13-23, 1649, fays, There are Scots commiffioners coming hither; but their propofitions C are as unreasonable as the former fent into Holland. They have now a ftrong faction about the King: and the Lord Jermyn (who is efteemed the head of the Scots presbyterian faction) hath, its faid, gained many that are now about his Majefty to his party, and, fome fay, will come hither to affist with all his intereft and power the advancement of the King's defigns. The truth is, Sir Edward Hyde being fo unneceffarily and unskilfully employed in Spain, hath given an infinite advantage to the Scots presbyterians; for he was expert in all their jigs and artifices (ƒ).'

(f) Id. p. 322.

-What the good fecretary would have had the young King do is hard to fay. There was no place for him in England or Ireland-where then could he go but into Scotland? How expert foever Sir Edward Hyde might be in the Scots jigs and artifices, it would not have been in his power to have hindered the King's refolving to agree with the commiffioners of that kingdom, though, 'tis very certain, his inclination was not much that way. For he had no love for the Scots league and covenant; he relished not the manners and behaviour of the ruling part of that nation; nor could he well put on the ftiff and formal air which was almoft effentially neceffary to gain their favour. But neceffity has no law the King leaving Breda took fhip in Holland; landed in Scotland; and, having taken the folemn league and covenant, and figned a declaration, wherein he renounced the fins of his father's houfe, and of his own, and the idolatry of his mother, was folemnly crowned there. This filled the royalifts with hopes, as appears from a letter of Lord Ormonde to Sir Edward Nicholas, dated Louvre,

Fe

was no longer in a condition to fupport its

own

.

February 12, 1650. Though it be very true, that his Majefty's condition must be to himself moft irkfome, and to his fervants, that have endeavoured to serve his happy father and himself in their own method, moft uncomfortable, yet, by what Mr. Seymour relates, and which feems confirmed by the London prints, it may be truly faid to be in fome degree amended by his coronation, and the conjunction of that people, which, as it gives fome foreign reputation to his business, fo it promifes more of refiftance against the rebels, than when they were divided; and, confequently, may more probably afford an opportunity to others of bet6 ter inclinations to fhow them felves; and the fame God, who, contrary to, and beyond the original intention of the English rebels, hath permitted them to perpetrate fo unexampled villanies against the royal family and freedom of England, may, contrary to, and beyond the purpose of the Scots (who gave the rife to the perpetration) make them inftrumental in the restoration, I hope he purposes, to the King's juft (g) Orpower, and his people's free claim (g).' But his lordfhip's hopes were ill founded. The Scots were zealous pers, vol. i. indeed to ferve their covenanted King, and they hated P. 405. heartily the English government and army, whom they were taught by their clergy to look on and call sectaries, a name, in the ears of the priests and prieft-ridden, moft odious and abominable. Great preparations were every where made to raise an army, which might deftroy thefe men, and reftore his Majefty to the English throne. But the thing was not fo eafily effected as planned. Those who fat at the helm of affairs were upon their guard. On the 12th of June, 1650, the parliament voted, that the lord-general Fairfax, and lieutenant-general Cromwell, fhould both be commanded to go upon the northern expedition: and that the council of ftate (which had been conftituted at the beginning of the new government, and confifted of fome

monde's State pa

of