ver the protector might have been in the acquifition

That the laws fhould not be altered, fufpended, abro< gated, or repealed, or any new law made, nor any tax, charge, or impofition laid upon the people, but by common confent in parliament.' Triennial parliaments were also ordained; a new reprefentative, in proportion to the contributions of the refpective counties towards the public expence, to the number of 400, together with 30 for Scotland, and the like number for Ireland, enacted; and bills paffed in parlia ment declared to have the force of laws, twenty days after they fhould be offered to the protector, though his affent was refufed. Thefe and many other particulars in favour of the people, are to be found in the inftrument of government, by which it plainly appears that defpotifm was far enough from being the intention of Cromwell and his officers. It must not be omitted, that A conftant yearly revenue was ordained to be • raised for maintaining 10,000 horfe, and 20,000 foot in England, Scotland and Ireland, for the defence and the fecurity thereof, and alfo for a convenient number of fhips for guarding of the feas; befides 200,000 %. per annum, for defraying the other neceffary charges of adminiftration of juftice, and other expences of the C government; which revenue was to be raifed by the customs, and fuch other ways and means, as should be agreed upon by the lord protector and the council, and was not to be taken away or diminished, nor the C way agreed upon for raifing the fame altered, but by the confent of the lord protector and the parliament. He was invested alfo with power, till the meeting of the first parliament, to raise money for the purposes aforefaid; and alfo to make laws and ordinances. for the peace and welfare of thefe nations, where it fhould be neceffary; which fhould be binding and in force, until order fhould be taken in parliament concerning the fame.'

344

quifition of his high office; or how wickedly

On Cromwell's death, a protector was to be elected by the council.This was a bait for the grandees *. -It may well enough be thought fuch a change in the government as this could not happen without cenfure. The army party were, for the most part, addicted to a commonwealth, and many of the most able men in the nation were of the fame judgment. Thefe thought they had in vain abolished kingfhip, if one man muft rule over them under what name or title foever, and they could not without ind gnation, behold a man fo greatly elevated above them, whom they had fo lately feen their equal or inferiour. Nor did they refrain afking who made him protector? or what right he had to the fupream power? It was to these kind of men Cromwell endeavoured to juftify himself, and thereby to foften their prejudices, and obtain their concurrence in his views for his own and the nation's glory. See with what art he talks to them in the following paffages I received this refignation [the late parliament's] fays he, having formerly used my endeavours and perfuafions to keep them together; obferving their differences, I thought it my duty to give advice to them, that fo I might prevail with them for union: but it had the ef'fect I told you, and I had my disappointment. When this was fo, we were exceedingly to feek how to fettle things for the future. My power again, by this refignation, was as boundlefs and unlimited as before ; all things being fubjected to arbitrarinefs, and myself a perfon having power over the three nations, boundlefly and unlimited; and upon the matter, all government diffolved, all civil adminiftrations at an end, as will be prefently made appear. The gentlemen that

But when Oliver's fovereignty was more firmly established, we find in the humble petition and advice of the parliament in 1656, the power of appointing and declaring a perfon to fucceed in the government, was invested in himfelf alone.

edly foever he acquired it, (for his admir

6

ers

undertook to frame this government, did confult divers days together (they being of known integrity and ability) how to frame fomewhat that might give us fettlement; and they did fo: and that I was not privy to their councils, they know it. When they had finifhed their model in fome measure, or made a very good preparation of it, it became communicative. They told me, that except I would undertake the government, they thought things would hardly come to a compofure and fettlement; but blood and confufion would break in upon us. I denied it again and again, as God and thofe perfons know; not complimenting6 ly, as they alfo know, and as God knows. I confess, after many arguments, and after the letting of me know that I did not receive any thing that put me into any higher capacity than I was in before; but that it limited me, and bound my hands to act nothing to the prejudice of thofe nations, without confent of a council, until the parliament, and then limited by the parliament, as the act of government expreffeth, I did accept it. I might repeat this again to you, it were needful; but I think I need not. I was arbitrary in power, having the armies in the three nations under my command; and truly not very ill beloved by them, nor very ill beloved then by the people, by the good people; and I believe I fhould have 'been more, if they had known the truth, as things were before God, and in themfelves, and before divers of those gentlemen whom I but now mentioned I did at the intreaty of divers perfons of honour and quality, at the intreaty of very many of ⚫ the chief officers of the army then prefent, and at their request, I did accept of the place and title of protecC tor; and was in the prefence of the commiffioners of the great feal, the judges, the lord mayor and aldermen of the city of London; the foldiery, divers gentlernen, citizens, and divers other people and perfons

་ unto you.

if

• of

(x) Parliamentary

ers confefs he had faults, and pretend not

wholly

of quality, &c. accompanied to Westminster Hall, where I took my oath to this government. This was ⚫ not done in a corner; it was open and publick. This government hath been exercifed by a council, with a defire to be faithful in all things; and, amongst other trufts, to be faithful in calling this parliament.This is a narrative that difcovers to you the series of providence, and of tranfactions leading me into this History, vo'. 'condition wherein I now ftand (x). In another of 1. p. 355 his fpeeches, he declares, He undertook the protectorship, not fo much out of hope of doing any good, as out of a defire to prevent mifchief and evil; and he compares his station to that of a good conftable, to keep the peace of the parish (y).. -This renders probable what Burnet relates concerning his fpeeches to the republican enthufiafts, with whom he had been closely connected, and of whom he had availed himself in his rife to greatnefs. It was no eafy thing, fays he, for

(y) Speech at White

hall, Ap. 133657.

(z) Burnet,

vol. 1. p. 104.

6

Cromwell to fatisfy thofe, when he took the power • into his own hands; fince that looked like a step to kingfhip, which John] Gradwin had long reprefented as the great antichrift, that hindered Chrift's being ft on the throne. To thefe he faid, and as fome have told me, with many tears, that he would ra⚫ther have taken a fhepherd's ftaff than the protectorfhip, fince nothing was more contrary to his genius than a fhew of greatnefs: but he faw it was neceffary at that time to keep the nation from falling into extream diforder, and from becoming open to the ⚫ common enemy: and therefore he only ftept in between the living and the dead, as he phrafed it, in that interval, till God. fhould direct them on what bottom they ought to fettle: and he affured them, that then he would furrender the heavy load lying upon him, with a joy equal to the forrow with which he was affected while under that fhew of dignity (z)."

wholly to exculpate him) yet certain it is,

he

This was all very artful, and probably had its intended effect.

Cromwell in the foregoing fpeech talks of his having, on the diffolution of the parliament, power over the three nations, boundless and unlimited. This must fuppose that he thought he had conquered all, or that all were fubject to his rule and command. A ftrange doctrine! His country might well have cried out,

Are

we then fo unhappy as to be conquered by the perfon, 'whom we hired at a daily rate, like a labourer, to 'conquer others for us? Did we furnish him with arms

་

only to draw and try upon our enemies, and keep them for ever fheathed in the bowels of his friends? • Did we fight for liberty against our prince, that we might become flaves to our fervant?The right of conqueft can only be exercifed upon those against whom the war is declared, and the victory obtained. So that no whole nation can be faid to be conquered but by a foreign force. In all civil wars, men are fo far from ftating the quarrel against their country, that they do it only against a person or party which they really believe, or at leaft pretend to be pernicious to it; neither can there be any just cause for the destruction of a part of the body, but when it is done for the preservation and fafety of the whole. 'Tis our country that raifes men in the quarrel, our country that arms, our country that pays them, our country ⚫ that authorizes the undertaking, and that diftinguishes it from rapine and murder. Laftly, 'tis our country that directs and commands the army, and is indeed their general. So that to fay in civil wars that the prevailing party conquers their country, is to fay the country conquers itfelf. And if the general only of that party be the conqueror, the army by which he is made fo, is no lefs conquered than the army which is beaten, and have as little reafon to triumph in that victory, by which they lose both their honour and li

berty.