(1) Vol. v. P. 45. f) Id. p. 122. (x) Tryal, P. 33, Lond. p. 694. kingship, which was offered by his parlia ment, Ireland, dated 20th May, 1656, he fays, 'Bleffed be God, that all things remain quiett in Ireland; foe they doe alfoe here. Both is very much against the intentions of ⚫ enemies of all forts, who have their daily meetinges for begettinge trouble. The Spanyard, cavaleir, papists and levellers, are all come into a confederacy. What monstrous birth this wombe will bring forth, I cannot tell. They threaten hard, but I perceive they are not yet quite ready. The commonwealths-men looke alfo ⚫ for a fudden turne, and hope they shall play next (†).' In another letter written to the fame 16 June, 1656, he fays, Wee are yet very much troubled with the fifthmonarchy-men and the levellers, who have their conftant meetinge to put us in blood. By the levellers, I meane thofe, who pretend to a republique or popular forme of government.- -It is certain it doth behove us to have a watchful eye upon that interest (u).'— There was reafon for it. Algernon Sydney (a name ever venerable!) called Cromwell, as he said on his tryal, A tyrant every day of his life, and acted against him too (x).And to fuch a height of refentment had fome warm men of the party carried it, as to join with their old and fworn foes in order to deftroy him. • The levellers, Mr. Thurloe tells the fame gentleman, in a letter dated December 9, 1656, are very buiffie, and are in perfect conjunction with the Kinge of Spayne: The part they have firft undertaken, is to affafinate · my Lord Protector, and have laid the way of doing it. This I know with as much certeintye, as that · your lordship is in Ireland. I truft the Lord will dif . fapoint them, as he hath done; but wee fee hereby (y) Vol. v. the spirit of thefe men (y).'- -With regard to his parliaments after his affuming the protectorate, they were composed of men, a good part of whom were his ill-willers. In the debates, concerning Cromwell's accepting the crown, fome of the cavalier party, or rather their children, came to bear fome share. They ment, a firmer fettlement and a milder admini • were then all zealous commonwealths-men, according to the directions fent them from those about the < King. Their business was to oppose Cromwell on all demands, and fo to weaken him at home, and expofe him abroad. When fome of the other party took notice of this great change, from being the abettors of prerogative to become the patrons of liberty, they • pretended their education in the court, and their obligation to it had engaged them that way; but now fince that was out of doors, they had the common principles of human nature and the love of liberty in them. By this means, as the old republicans affifted and protected them, fo at the fame time they ftrength•ned the faction against Cromwell. But these very men. at the restoration fhook off this difguife, and reverted to their old principles for a high prerogative and abfolute power. They faid they were for liberty, when < it was a mean to distress one who they thought had no right to govern; but when the government returned to its old channel, they were ftill as firm to all preroga- (2) Burnet, tive notions, and as great enemies to liberty as ever (z).' vol. i. p. 7c. In certain conjunctures this may again happen, notwithstanding the fmooth talk of coalition or extinction of parties! 6 Mr. Maidstone fpeaking of the Protector's firft parliament, fays,The houfe confifting of many difobliged perfons (fome upon the king's account, and others upon a pretence of right to fit upon the former foundation, as not being legally, though forceably, diffolved; and others judging that the powers given by the inftrument of government to the Protector were too large, profeffing that though they were. willing to truft him, yet they would not truft his fuc-" ceffors with fo large a jurifdiction) fell into high animofities; and after five months fpent in framing another inftrument inftead of the former (which they said they could not fwallow without chewing) they were (e) Thurloe, vol. i. p. 765. ministration might have taken place: but his moft by the Protector diffolved (a).' Mr. Whitlock informs That this parliament continued their debates touching the government, wherein many things were spoken, which gave great offence to the Protector and his council, and cause of fufpicion that no good was to (4) P. 610. be expected from them (b). Many of these fame men, in fpight of court influence, were chofen in the next parliament, and Cromwell, that matters might go on the more fmoothly, ordered them to be denied admittance. In purfuance however of the humble Petition and Advice, as before mentioned, they afterwards took their feats, and gave the Protector great vexation by fpurning at the new erected houfe of Lords, and controverting their title. I need not add that the government was continually alarmed with plots and confpiracies, and that juries were but ill difpofed to do juítice on ftate criminals.These are some of the chief arguments that may be urged in favour of the violent and illegal acts of Cromwell. His fituation and circumftances were perplexed and dangerous, and would he fecure himself, or thofe who depended on him, feverity and rigour feemed requifite. What would you ⚫ have one in my station do? said he to fome who talked to him about his exceffes and ufurpation. He was well answered, fays Mr. Gordon, Sir, we would have nobody in your ftation. To vindicate murder conti⚫nues this writer, from the neceffity of committing it, ⚫ in order to conceal robbery; is to argue like a mur derer and a robber; but it is honeft logic, to reply, • Do not rob, and then you need not be tempted to murder; but if you will do one, and confequently both, remember that punishment does or ought to follow crimes, and the more crimes the more punishment. If, by a repetition of crimes, you become too mighty to be punished, you must be content to be accurfed and abhorred as an enemy to human race; you muft expect to have all men for your enemies, as you are moft intimate friends (AAAA) oppofing, he, con you make fport of are an enemy to all men; and fince the lives and liberties of men, you must not wonder, nor have you a right to complain, if they have all of (c) Difcourthem memories and feeling, and fome of them cou- fes on Tacitus, vol. iv. rage and fwords (c).' It would be injuftice however to p. 207. Cromwell, not to add, that his feverities were but few, 12mo. and thofe exercifed only on real criminals, as the laws Lond. 1753. then stood. The (AAAA) He refused the offered kingship.] Cromwell was no enemy to the name or office of King. He had helped to pull down and punish Charles, but he was difpofed enough to fit on the throne. The times then would not bear it. But in a few years he thought feriously of the affair, and was inclined to try the expėriment. Prudence however reftrained him. But when he had got a parliament to his mind, as that called in 1656, in the beginning was, it was no longer to be delayed. The fettlement of the nation was deliberated on, and a writing framed, which the parliament ftiled The humble petition and advice of the parliament of England, Scotland and Ireland to his highness."' firft business of it was, fays Whitlock, for the Protector to have the title of King. This petition and advice was prefented to his highnefs by the house, and he defired that a committee might be appointed to confer with him about it (d).' Accordingly a com- (4) P. 655• mittee was appointed, who on the 16th of April, 1657, Had audience of his highnefs, and gave him fuch reafons as he declared to be weighty, and to require deliberation, and therefore defired fome time till the • next afternoon to give anfwer to them (e). In this (e) Journals, conference it was urged by the lawyers, particularly by the lord chief juftice Gl nne, That the office of a King was a lawful office, and a title too, approved of by the word of God; that it was an office that had been exercised in the nation, from the time of its being a nation, and that there never had been a quar I i rel contrary to his own inclinations and supposed intereft, rel with the office, but the male adminiftration. The name of King, faid he, is a name known by the law, and the parliament doth defire that your highnefs would affume that title. These are the grounds why the parliament make it their humble advice and requeft to your highnefs, that you would be pleafed to ⚫ affume that title; and I think there is fomething more in it: you are now Lord Protector of the three nations by the Inftrument, and there is a claufe of this government that you fhould govern according to law, and your highness is fworn to that government. The parliament doth apprehend that it is almost impoffible for your highnefs to anfwer the expectation of the peo⚫ple to be governed by the laws, because you are fo tied up, that neither they can rationally call for it, nor you confcientiously do it, and fo there is neither Lord Protector, nor the people upon a fure establishment. For here ftands the cafe: a King hath run through so many ages in this nation, and hath governed the nation by that title and ftyle, that it is known to the law; for the law of the nation is no otherwife, than what hath been a cuflom to be practifed, as is approved by the people to be good. That's the law, and nothing elfe, excepting acts of parliament. And now they have been governed by that title, and by that minifter, and by that office, if fo be your highness should do any act, and cne fhould come and fay, My Lord Protector, why are you fworn to govern by the law, and C you do thus and thus as Lord Protector? Do I? Why how am I bound to do?--Why, the King could not have done fo.-- Why, but I am not King, I am not bound to do as the King, I am Lord Protector; fhew me that the law doth require me to do it as Protector; if I have not acted as Protector, fhew me where the law is.--Why you put any one to a • ftumble in that cafe. 8 • This |
