paix' in sober earnest, may have contributed not a little, without either knowing or wishing it, to increase the blindness of the Russian Cabinet, and leave them under the dangerous delusion that the Anglo-French alliance was merely a phantom, which would vanish directly it was grasped. Even the Russian agents did something to thicken the veil which at the critical moment concealed from the Czar the real position of affairs; and the politicians, professional and non-professional, who towards the end of 1853 hoped to purchase a RussoFrench alliance with German territory, have more on their consciences than they like to dream of. But those gentlemen may rest assured once for all, that an alliance with Russia, at any rate in the first instance, is an impossibility in Imperial France. Legitimate Royalty, which had to thank Alexander I. mainly for its restoration, might, perhaps, have sought later a support in Russia. The crowned son of the Revolution despises this support, and cannot possibly ally himself with the Czar; if for this reason alone, that the position which the latter assumed towards the Continent is the chief object of Napoleonic ambition. If the Tuileries to-day had no higher aspirations than little Thiers, and were content with the frontier of the Rhine, the hints thrown out at Stuttgard by Prince Gortschakoff would have fallen on a thankful soil, and not have been answered, as they were, with an almost scornful silence. A prize so paltry may be contemned, in view of the higher object of ambition, which, as already pointed out, is nothing less than the reconstitution of the State system of Europe, the revision of the treaties of 1815. For the attainment of that object, Russia, as is well known, never can and never will offer a hand; the only means for that end can be the English alliLouis Napoleon, like Louis XVIII. and Louis Philippe, has learned this lesson in exile, that the sympathies of the ance. THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE. 137 British press and the London Stock Exchange are indispensable to anyone who undertakes to found a dynasty in France. In the eyes of Napoleon III. the English alliance is a contract resting on reciprocity. France supports by force of arms English interests in the East, and expects in return that England will after this war leave the Emperor Napoleon a free hand on the Continent, and connive as tacitly at the European' coup d'état as she connived at the French one. The future will show whether this calculation is correct. In any case the grave political errors committed by the three Northern Powers since the crisis began, have brought nearer that general war the Continental fruits of which Napoleon flatters himself he can purchase with possibly a trifling sacrifice, and here in Paris its outbreak next spring is regarded as inevitable. The general plan of the war is reported to be settled. The fall of Sebastopol, or, what is always possible, the defeat of the allies, will not, it is said, affect it as a whole. As soon as the Baltic is free from ice, the English fleet, forming the extreme left wing, is to commence operations, supported by a French squadron. About 60,000 English and French troops are intended to be taken on board, and the Swedish army of 40,000 men is counted on, which is already on a war footing. With the assistance of a number of gunboats, a vigorous attack is to be made on Cronstadt and St. Petersburg; the fortresses of the Bay of Finland, which were fully reconnoitred last year, are to be taken, and Finland, and if possible the Baltic provinces, are to be seized and given to Sweden. Bonapartist France requires, indeed, in the North a strong Scandinavia as a faithful ally. On the extreme right wing the Anglo-French and Turks are to continue their previous operations, and extend them to Asia Minor also, as well as the Caucasus and Bessarabia. In the centre, Austria would have to undertake the main conduct of the great war, the object of her attack being the strong offensive position of Russia in the high plains of Poland, to assail which, it is not disguised, the co-operation of Austria is indispensable. And yet people in Paris are already speculating on the restoration of Poland as a natural ally, whose services Bonapartism might find useful against Russia or Germany. But though the Polish kingdom of the future is one of the main elements, it is certain, in the programme of Napoleon III., the demarcation of its frontiers has never yet been considered, since the territorial sacrifices to be expected from Austria and Prussia could not possibly at this moment be discussed, and all questions of detail depend on the success of the war. Only, care appears to have been taken that the Polish emigration, in the event of such a thing being announced at Vienna after the rejection of Austria's contemplated ultimatum, should be governed by the military dispositions of the Austrian generals. Such is an outline of the map of Europe which the prisoner of Ham drafted, and after his escape communicated with great confidence of success to several personages of my acquaintance; among others, to the Earl of Westmoreland. The sceptic smile of the English diplomatist was answered by a rira bien qui rira le dernier,' and Napoleon added a friendly invitation to pay a visit to the Emperor of the French as soon as he was installed in the Tuileries. A still more important point than either Poland or Scandinavia in the Bonapartist plans of the future is presented by Italy. The Italian question, for obvious reasons, is now left untouched and postponed to a later time; but the young man of Forli,' formerly initiated into the intrigues of the Carbonari, and as Carlo Alberto a member of that secret con THE SECOND FRENCH EMPIRE. 139 federacy, is far more Italian than French. The liberation of Italy' remains a hobby, if only because it is connected with the mystic side of Bonapartism. It is well known that Napoleon I. sought to persuade himself and his subjects that he was the legitimate successor of Charlemagne. Like that Emperor of the Franks, Napoleon III. would now wish to secure by a march to Rome the consecration of his crown, and therewith the exclusive right, as protector of the Holy See, to treat the Italian princes as his vassals. If it is asked now by what means these soaring schemes are to be realised, the answer is that the French army will early in January, that is in about six weeks, have 550,000 men under arms. Out of these, it is true, about 130,000 are now in Algeria, Rome, Athens, and the Crimea. With 120,000 men, assisted by the newly organised police, it is hoped to be able to keep Paris and France in order. If another 50,000 are sent to the Baltic on board the fleet, there will remain in the camp at Boulogne an available reserve of only 250,000 These are to support Austria, if necessary, in the centre, or be employed against us in case Prussia and the rest of Germany make a show of maintaining their neutrality by force of arms. men. If the above schemes contain the germ of a future quarrel on Napoleon's part with Austria and Germany, they furnish the most serious warning to all the German Governments to remain united and bring to a speedy end the now seemingly inevitable war with Russia, but in no case to allow the French, not even as friends, to set foot on German soil. By so doing we may be able, at least later on, to oppose to our arrogant Western neighbour-this time without foreign help-the firmly wielded power of an undivided Germany. Paris: Nov. 17, 1854. CHAPTER V. LONDON.-1855. Audience at Windsor Castle-Conversation with Prince Albert-Ministerial Crisis-The British Constitution-Sufferings of the Army in the Crimea― Defective Organisation-Prevalent Distrust-Fall of Lord Aberdeen-Lord Palmerston Prime Minister-Reorganisation of the Crimean Army-Treaty with Austria of Dec. 2, 1854-Death of the Emperor Nicholas-The Four Points-Lord John Russell's Mission to Vienna-Failure of the Vienna Conference-The French Emperor and Empress in England-Efforts for Peace-Return Visit of Queen Victoria to Paris-My Mission to Lisbon. My first duty, after returning in January 1855 to London, was to present to Queen Victoria my new credentials, which had been rendered necessary by the change of Government in Saxony. The Queen received me at Windsor, where I was invited to dine and spend the night. It was a cold winter's day, and the frost on the rails delayed the express train which conveyed Lord Aberdeen, Lord Clarendon, and other ministers, as well as myself, to the Castle. I was just hastening to dress for dinner, when Lord Clarendon called me into the gallery and asked me if I had not forgotten my credentials. These were quickly brought, and I delivered them, agreeably to English etiquette, in my travelling dress. The Queen herself had already begun her toilette, and quickly put on a dressing gown to receive Lord Clarendon and myself. Being thus duly accredited, I could take my place at the dinner table. The Court observes the usual English custom, |