The cordial reception he had found at the English Court encouraged him so far as to confide to the Queen the sorrow he felt at the Empress's being childless. He begged her Majesty, as the mother of eight children, to persuade the Empress to consult a physician. Sir Charles Locock, the Queen's physician and accoucheur, was accordingly summoned ; and so successful was the treatment he prescribed, that nine months afterwards the Prince Imperial was born. It is easy to understand from this incident the interest taken by the Queen in the young Prince until his tragic death.

Meanwhile the feeling of the country had sensibly changed. The peace party, which in the House of Commons consisted previously of only Bright and Cobden, already numbered many influential adherents. Disraeli himself, who for personal if for no other reasons had been averse to the war, foreseeing that it would keep his opponents in power, now came forward, though not yet openly in Parliament, as an advocate of peace.

I also had an opportunity at that time of giving some impetus to the agitation in favour of peace. Mr. Tracey Turnerelli, the son of an Italian sculptor, who had been naturalised in England, had given me some English lessons in St. Petersburg. Formerly a professor at the University of Kasan, Turnerelli had been summoned to St. Petersburg, and had received there a lucrative appointment at the Military Academy, which was under the control of the Grand Duke Constantine. The war surprised him in London, where he was then on leave, and compelled him, as an English subject, to remain there. Hostilities being protracted, the poor man had exhausted his means, and complained to me. of his necessitous condition. He was not without talent, and had published several books in English about Kasan and

Russia, which met with success. This induced me to advise him to give lectures in some of the provincial towns, and combat the prejudice against Russian barbarism,' which had been fostered by the newspapers. I gave him some letters of recommendation to Bright and Cobden, who were quite willing to send Turnerelli into the country as an apostle of peace. His lectures excited interest, and brought him in more than he had expected. After peace was concluded, he visited me again, and told me that they had gained him the affections of a young lady, who, a Roman Catholic like himself, had offered him her hand and fortune. Thus he could live, as he said, a happy married man, with an income of several thousand pounds, at his house at Brighton, and easily get over the loss of his professorship in Russia.

That the peace party should ultimately be strengthened by the Peelites, that Gladstone and Sir James Graham, both of whom were responsible for the declaration of war, should now make common cause with Cobden and Bright, was a circumstance which could be surprising only to those who still cherished illusions regarding these gentlemen's want of principle. Their political creed resolved itself into this-to follow the opinion of the day, and when in office only to ask themselves, What shall we do to keep there ?' and when in opposition, What shall we do to get into it again?' Certainly they deceived themselves often enough about the real opinion of the country. The ascendency of Lord Palmerston was due to his rare instinct and his knowledge of the national peculiarities.

Towards the end of the Session, Lord John Russell had once more become impossible. The confessions he was forced to make on July 6 placed it beyond doubt that he had agreed, with the fullest conviction, to the compromise proposed by

Austria in Vienna. His continuance in the Cabinet which rejected that proposal and resolved to prosecute the war induced the Opposition to give notice of a vote of want of confidence. This vote, thanks to the Peelites and the adherents of the Manchester school, had every prospect of being carried. Lord John Russell only saved the Ministry by resigning on July 16.

At the scene of war, the Russians on June 18 had successfully repulsed an assault against Sebastopol which had been planned by the French, and only reluctantly acquiesced in by Lord Raglan. The latter died of vexation at this unmerited failure, on June 28. On the other hand, the Russians suffered on the Tchernaya in August a sensible defeat, which served to reveal the extent of their exhaustion. Everyone felt when Parliament was prorogued on August 14, that the fall of Sebastopol and the conclusion of peace were simply questions of time.

With regard to the return visit which Queen Victoria, accompanied by Prince Albert and the Princess Royal, paid to the French Court in the latter half of August, I learned nothing beyond what was reported in the newspapers, having left London shortly after their Majesties' return, in order to go to Portugal and Spain.

King Dom Pedro V. had attained his majority, and was about to assume the direction of the Government. King John was anxious not to omit offering his congratulations to this the first Duke of Saxony who had ascended the throne of Portugal. I received instructions, therefore, to repair to Lisbon on an extraordinary mission for that purpose. On my return I chose the route through Spain, and visited Cadiz and Seville, as well as Gibraltar and the points on the southern coast. On reaching Paris rià Marseilles, I had not seen any

MY MISSION TO LISBON.

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newspapers for weeks. I hastened to the Countess Walewska, who had already taken up her quarters at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs on the Quai d'Orsay. She invited me the same evening to dinner, adding that I should assist her by doing the honours to three foreign ministers. She named Herr von Beust, Herr von der Pfordten, and Count Vilain XIV. I thus accidentally learnt of my chief's presence in Paris. He had come with Pfordten, on the excuse of seeing the Exhibition, to preach peace to the French Emperor. 'Ils sont venus,' said Walewski that evening confidentially, 'enfoncer une porte ouverte. Sébastopol est pris, notre honneur militaire est sauf, et nous ne demandons pas mieux que de faire la paix, mais ça ne dépend pas uniquement de nous. Il faut d'abord que les Russes entendent raison.'

CHAPTER VI.

PRIVATE CORRESPONDENCE.-1855.

London, Jan. 15: Interview with Lord Clarendon-The Anglo-French Alliance Sufferings of the English Army-Defects of the System-Threatening Aspect of Affairs in England.-London, April 23: Visit of the French Emperor and Empress to London.-London, May 19: Conversation with Count Colloredo on Austria's Policy in the Eastern Question--Neutrality of Germany--Herr von Usedom-The Peace Question a Shuttlecock of English Parties-The Janus-headed Ministry in England-Motions of Lord Grey and Milner Gibson-Sir Hamilton Seymour counsels Moderation.— London, July 16: Austrian Proposals of Mediation, and their Rejection by the Western Powers -Policy of Despair-Dangers of that Policy-German Unity alone can command Peace.-London, July 31: A Déjeuner of Friends of Peace-Disraeli and Bright on the Situation.

London: Jan. 15, 1855.

THE daily more intimate relations between Austria and France are beginning to cause some anxiety to English statesmen, who fear a reaction of this rapprochement on the present crisis in England. Any circumstance, however slight, deserves attention which might affect the delicate machinery of the Anglo-French alliance, that has cost some trouble to put in motion. Doubtless as it is that the two Powers have derived, and are still deriving, too great advantage from their alliance not to adhere to it, it is equally plain that blunders and weaknesses exist on both sides, and that each party is therefore anxious to prevent its cards from being seen by the other. While Clarendon this morning spoke with a certain disparagement of the French, who had now what they