between Austria, Germany, and Russia, before the die is finally cast in the Crimea? And if this were done, would it not then be the time to remind Napoleon that United Germany is strong enough to command peace, and would not hesitate, for that object, to begin a third time, if necessary, the well-known march on Paris? Would not such a demonstration of unity spare much blood? If people in Paris dread one thing more than another, it is a war with Germany. The bare threat of it would suffice. France cannot afford at this moment to come to a rupture. Suppose, even, that France were to take up the challenge, still a regular war would appear a smaller evil in comparison with a general conflagration fanned by Palmerston in concert with Napoleon, a conflagration which could not fail to imperil every institution on the Continent. But if the union of all Germany is the sine quâ non condition of the restoration of a lasting peace, it is immaterial on what foundation that union is laid. The statesmen of Austria would only be acting in their own well-understood interests, if to-day they recommended a demonstration of all Germany against the West with the same arguments that they employed in previous years to recommend a demonstration against the East.

London: July 31, 1855.

A lady who has been a friend since her youth of the Princess Lieven makes, though married to a former English Cabinet Minister, so little secret of her Russian sympathies as to display on her arm daily the well-known mourning bracelet in memory of the Emperor Nicholas. She is, of course, utterly opposed to the present war, and yesterday invited several friends of peace to luncheon, among others Disraeli, Bright, the Prussian Minister, and myself.

DISRAELI ON THE SITUATION.

177

John Bright, a cotton spinner of Manchester, lives in Quaker circles, which are difficult of access to us diplomatists. Our amiable hostess had had some trouble in decoying this. Radical Quaker into her aristocratic house. Her object was to bring him into personal contact with Disraeli, and to enable Bernstorff and myself to make the acquaintance of this able orator and courageous apostle of peace. Mr. Bright was Bernstorff's neighbour at luncheon, and Disraeli mine. The latter was in the best possible humour, and more communicative than ever. He assured me at once that Gladstone's reconciliation with the Tories was an accomplished fact. Gladstone and Bright,' he remarked among other things, 'are not only the best speakers in the House of Commons, but also the most energetic characters there.'

Present persons always excepted,' I broke in-a compliment which was accepted as quite matter of course.

'Of course!' replied the leader of the Opposition; 'I have always thought Gladstone, Bright, and myself the three most energetic men in the House. I have watched Gladstone very carefully,' he added, and am convinced that his strength of will is inflexible. Bright is sometimes blunt, but his eloquence is most powerful. He has not the subtleness of Cobden, but he has far more energy, and his talents are more practically applied. The session is at an end. Old Palmerston has taken the hint we gave him recently, and shook my hand yesterday so warmly that I am disarmed until November. When that time comes, the position will have become clearer, and public opinion shaped itself; and we shall then see what is to be done. Thus much I can say, that our Ministry is prepared a strong Government, which will astonish the world. The men who are now at the helm, cannot wield it any longer. It will not be necessary to upset them, they will

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fall by themselves. With the exception of old Palmerston, who for a man of seventy still displays astonishing energy, the present Cabinet has neither an orator nor a debater. But the old man is a desperado, who clings convulsively to power, because he feels that he would have no prospect of ever coming in again if he were now ousted."

I then turned the conversation on the subject of the Austrian proposals, the rejection of which, even from the war party's point of view, was to be regarded as a political mistake. For even if, as Lord Clarendon believed, the peace thus obtained had only been an armistice, it would have enabled the Allies to effect an honourable retreat. It was sheer nonsense for the English newspapers to talk of the perfidy of Austria, for it was not Austria, but the Western Powers, who had torn up the treaty of December. England,' I said,

has no money, and France no troops, to provide the support stipulated for in the third Article. And do you wonder that your ally should think twice before beginning single-handed a war compared to which the Crimean expedition would be mere child's play?'

Disraeli, who had followed attentively my remarks, agreed with me, and said, 'The truth is, we have no longer any statesmen. The whole business has been mismanaged from the first.'

The main points of this conversation have been reported on the whole with accuracy by the Press,' a newspaper which is said to be Disraeli's organ.

My question, whether Palmerston would not perhaps employ the vacation in reverting to his policy of 1848, to conceal his difficulties in the Crimea by means of revolutionary diversions, was answered evasively. The House of Commons would never follow the Premier in such a course, but Palmerston was a desperado and capable of anything.

BRIGHTS VIEW OF THE WAR.

Mr. Bright was even more outspoken.

179

He said plainly,

The war is being continued simply and solely to keep Lord Palmerston in office, for it is well known on the other side of the Channel that they would not have such an easy game with anyone else as with the present Premier.'

Altogether, and notwithstanding the undoubted rapprochement which is going on between the Tories, Peelites, and the Manchester school, it would be a mistake to assume that the war party has lost ground. But just as the sun lights up the glaciers before reaching the valley, so there is some comfort in the reflection that the light of truth is beginning to dawn on the leaders of the Opposition. The Government know this, and await with impatience the close of Parliament, to be able to take breath again.

CHAPTER VII.

LONDON.-1856.

Betrothal of the Princess Royal-Feeble Conduct of the War in the CrimeaProspects of Peace-Persigny-Austrian Ultimatum-Russia's Acceptance of the Preliminaries-Peace Conference at Paris-Orloff's Services in the Cause of Peace-The Wensleydale Peerage-Prince Albert as a Builder-Birth of the Prince Imperial-The Duke of Cambridge made Commander-in-Chief. DURING my absence, the betrothal of the Princess Royal with Prince Frederick William of Prussia had taken place quietly at Balmoral. The feeling against Prussia, which this occasion revived, turned anew against Prince Albert, who was absurdly accused of Russian sympathies.

Notwithstanding the fall of Sebastopol, the conduct of the war in the Crimea was extremely inefficient, since the division of the chief command between four armies failed to insure a vigorous prosecution of the advantage so dearly purchased. General Simpson, who had succeeded by seniority to the command of the English troops, rendered vacant by the death of Lord Raglan, but who soon afterwards resigned his post, was too old to transform into soldiers by a mere wave of his hand the raw recruits which had replaced the lost veterans. Pélissier, now Duke of Malakoff, was little liked owing to his rudeness of manner, and was anxious not to endanger the laurels he had won by his successful assault on the outwork of Sebastopol. Omer Pasha, an Austrian deserter and renegade, who commanded some forty or fifty thousand Turks, had failed to gain