prevailed with respect to the abolition of the slave-trade, among all slave-holders in the British empire.

Slavery is a monstrous abuse. You may call it, if you please, in the mild language of judge Washington, an inherent vice in the community.' But whether entailed upon society by a preceding generation, or originating anew, it is a monstrous abuse; and it is one, which can never be removed without a struggle. Happy will it be, if, through the zeal and labors of public-spirited men, and by the peculiar blessing of the Almighty, the struggle shall be confined to arguments, and debates, and vehement appeals to passion and to interest. This is the least that can be expected. There is great reason to fear a very different struggle.

It is intimated, that the publication of articles on the subject of slavery, especially if they travel southward from the north, tend to increase sectional prejudices.' This effect is certainly much to be regretted; and the cause of it should be avoided, if it can be done consistently with the performance of imperious duties. But why should our southern friends take the alarm, at the bare introduction of the subject by any one from this quarter, when they have used much stronger language to describe the unhappiness of their condition, whenever an object was to be gained by the disclosure, than bas ever been used by others. If a northern man barely alludes to the possibility of a servile insurrection, for instance, it gives offence; and it seems almost to be supposed, that he wishes for the calamity, which he deprecates, and against which he would anxiously warn those, who are most interested. During the debates in Congress last winter, it was by the southern members that the dangers of insurrection were set forth, in all their tremendous aspects. What northern man ever used so forcible language on this subject as Mr. Jefferson, who declared, that, 'in a contest between the whites and the blacks, there was not a single attribute of the Deity, which could take part with the whites?'

As to the article in our June number being an 'attack on Virginia and the southern states,' we would simply ask, whether the extracts from the black code of Virginia were not faithfully given. They were copied by a Virginian, and no mistake has yet been pointed out, so far as we have heard. If any of our applications of the law are not warranted by its letter and spirit, let the error be alleged. We conscientiously intended to give a just exhibition of the law as it stands, and as it must be interpreted by the magistrates. But suppose we had erred in a particular instance, are not the great designs of the law undeniably apparent? Did not the legislature intend utterly to prevent the teaching of slaves to read? And has not the effect been to shut up the Sabbath schools in which slaves were learning to read? Has not the law a direct tendency to prevent slaves attending public worship? And does it not actually prevent them? These are serious questions. Whether a clergyman, or a young lady, engaged in the benevolent work of teaching slaves the great truths of religion, would actually suffer, for the first offence, according to the rigor of the law, is a matter of little moment, compared with the distressing fact, that several hundred thousand immortal beings, for whom Christ died,, VOL. XVI.

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are, by the solemn laws of a professedly Christian country, forcibly pro excluded from access to the most natural and proper means of regious knowledge. Let those, to whom these remarks wear the pearance of an attack, ask themselves, whether any statement with respect to slavery,-its tendency and character,-its effects on th morals of masters and slaves,-can be made with fairness, and bold ness, and the most perfect candor, and not be regarded as an attack by southern people. You may, to be sure, write an eulogium on the kindness and humanity of masters, without giving them offence. You may regret that slavery was ever introduced into this country, pro vided you take care to lay the guilt upon preceding generations. But this is not all that ought to be said. The present generation is not without responsibility. A great work is now to be accomplished: ca and, unless speedily commenced, it will be difficult, if not impossible to execute it.

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It may be true, that writers are more apt to exhibit the dark, than the bright, side of the prospect, when they are discussing the subject of slavery. The reason is obvious. The evils are great and general, and fill the whole field of vision; while the progress of melioration is a slow, compared with what is needed, though it may be rapid, compared with its progress in former years. It is with great pleasure, however, that we hear of the improvements already commenced and advancing. We would call upon all, who wish well to the long depressed children of Africa, to rejoice in the hope, that considerable numbers of their sable brethren have become truly pious, within a few years past. We would express devout gratitude to the Giver of every good gift, that He has so mercifully communicated the light of his truth to many, who appeared to be enveloped in the darkness of ages. We pray that the good work may proceed more and more rapidly, and that the issue may be not only better than our fears, but better than our most sanguine hopes. We delight in contemplating the fact, that God sometimes effects deliverance, in a mysterious and unexpected manner, when the most sagacious men are overwhelmed with sadness, and ready to give up all in despair. We should not forget, however, that he often permits guilty nations to become the authors of their own ruin; and that a vain reliance on what God can do, should neither absolve us from the discharge of present duty, nor prompt us to look with unconcern upon threatened calamities.

That the blacks of some of our southern cities, particularly of Charleston, enjoy very considerable religious privileges, we not only admit with readiness, but assert from our own knowledge. That many of them are exemplary professors of religion we do not doubt. We have even anxiously desired to write animadversions on the manner, in which the Editors of the Christian Observer have treated this subject, in their review of Fearon's book. Their remarks are extremely injurious to this country; many of them having no foundation in fact; and the only apology, which can be offered, is, that the writers thought Fearon worthy of credit. They represent. for instance, that blacks are not permitted to worship with whites; and, on this assumption, they make a most inflammatory appeal to the feelings of their readers. But every American knows, that seats are

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provided for blacks, in every place of public worship, where blacks are to be found; and it is not a little remarkable, that in the most populous parts of the slave-holding country, blacks are not permitted to worship separately from whites. One of the extracts, which we have made, is proof directly in point.

Here we cannot but express our sorrow, that any speculations of ours, written a thousand miles from Charleston, and having particular reference to a law of Virginia, should have been the unhappy occasion of arresting the walls of a church, built by free negroes, of the Methodist denomination, who surely were not responsible for our errors, and who would probably never see a number of the Panoplist during their lives. But there is one consolation attending the case. It is much better that their labors should be interrupted at an early stage, than that, after having finished a church, its doors should be closed upon them, on the slightest suspicion that evil might ensue, and without any fault on their part. That this would be the case we may fairly conjecture; and therefore it is quite possible, that our remarks saved the black congregation much time and labor and disappointment. It is impossible for us, by the way, to understand by what administration of law it came to pass, that free blacks were interdicted from erecting a church at their own expense, or by the voluntary assistance of others. We hope the law, which authorized such a proceeding, is not exactly on the same principles with that of Georgia, which banished free blacks from the state, on penalty of their being taken and sold as slaves. If all the states in the union were to enact laws similar to the one just referred to, (and each state has as good a right to do so as Georgia had,) the half a million of free blacks in the country would be compelled, either to jump into the sea, or become slaves, and doom their posterity to the same degraded condition; and all this, though they had either been born free, or purchased their liberty, or been emancipated under the sanction of existing laws.

The correspondent, whom we have quoted much at length, charges us with saying, "that nothing has been done in the way of bettering the state of the colored people in the Carolinas." These were not our words. We simply inquired what had been done by the legislatures of Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia, to elevate the character of the blacks, to secure their rights, and to fit them to become ultimately entitled to all the privileges of men and citizens.' We asked for the production of "all the laws, favorable and adverse to the happiness of the slaves;" and we are not convinced that our demand was at all unreasonable, or improper. Can it be doubted, that the rulers of the slave-holding states have duties to perform towards the slaves? that this difficult and delicate part of legislation should receive the con stant attention of the ablest and wisest men in the community? and that certain principles should be fixed, from which the progress of improvement may rationally be expected to commence?

Our southern friends do not deny that slavery is an evil; and that it originated in avarice, oppression, and cruelty. But they say, the evil exists, and cannot be suddenly removed without producing a greater evil. Granted. It will not do, however, to acquiesce in the

perpetual duration of slavery, because it cannot be removed suddenly. And here should the patriotic legislator of the south take his stand. He should insist upon making a declaration to the world, that the present system of holding human beings in bondage is to be excused only on the plea of necessity. He should declare, that every exertion ought to be made to abolish slavery; that the thought of entailing such a curse upon all future ages is abhorrent to the feelings of every virtuous man; that, in measures to be taken, with reference to this subject, the good of the blacks should receive the first consideration, as they are defenceless, and can have no voice in the decision; that certain limits should be immediately imposed upon the power of mas ters; and that provision should be made for gradually imparting to slaves every thing, which is now withheld from them on the ground of necessity alone. If all the legislatures of the south were to set about convincing the world of their wish to benefit the blacks, and ultimately to redeem them from their present degradation, there is abundant reason to believe, that the peculiar blessing of God would attend every incipient effort. We hesitate not to say, that, at the very beginning of this process, the equality, which the Gospel teaches. is to be made the fundamental principle; that equality, we mean, which is implied in loving our neighbor as ourselves. Every master should feel, and be willing that his slaves should know that he feels, the obligation of discharging this law of love to them. He should be willing that they should know, that the present distinction between master and slave is factitious and unnatural; that it is kept up for their good more than for his profit, or gratification; that he should rejoice, if it could be safely obliterated; and that by good conduct they may expect a material improvement of their condition.

It is doubtless true, as the letter writer suggests, that no Christian wishes to let loose the slaves of the southern states, while their char acter remains as it now is.' But every Christian wishes, or ought to wish, that their character may speedily rise from its depression; and that they may become fit to enjoy all the blessings of personal, civil. and religious liberty. The question of property is too little to weigh any thing against the high claims of a rational being, and the wants of an immortal mind. To how great an extent these claims and these wants are neglected, disregarded, and despised, we leave it for our southern friends to determine for themselves. The Harmony Presbytery declare, that what has been yet done is but a beginning; and that deplorable are the darkness and desolation, in which multitudes of slaves within their borders still continue. Before we can judge how much slaves are benefitted by Sabbath schools, we need to be informed how many masters permit their slaves to attend, and how many slaves are inclined to avail themselves of this permission. We cannot but think, that southern people lay too much stress upon the lamentation of slaves on the death of their masters, as a proof that the mass of slaves are well treated. This evidence is of the most equivocal nature. In every slave-holding country, and in all ages of the world, slaves have generally made great lamentations, at the funerals of any members of the families of their masters. are far from intimating, however, that the lady, whose decease was

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mentioned, was not every thing that could be desired in the owner of slaves; and this the writer of the letter may have known by the most incontestible evidence. It is not our business, and it would be very foreign from our purpose, to go into an examination of the domestic treatment of slaves. That there are kind and amiable masters we have never doubted. That others possess a different character southern people abundantly testify. He must be ignorant of human nature, who does not know, that the possession of unlimited power over others is not favorable to virtue. A good man may pos sess this power, and yet retain his goodness; but he would be better without the power, and of course would be happier. The temporal condition of the slaves is not the great thing, which demands the attention of the philanthropist; though this is not now what an impartial and benevolent man would wish it to be. Their moral condition demands more commiseration, and should claim the first share in the thoughts, prayers, and labors of all the friends of our country. We are glad to see it so fully admitted by a Carolina planter, that Christianity, in its genuine efficacy, would destroy the distinction between master and slave. We rejoice to be informed, on so good authority, that many slave-holders would gladly relinquish their property in slaves, provided it could be done with safety. There is, however, a difficulty remaining, which we fear will not easily be removed. One prerequisite to the abolition of slavery seems to be, that the minds and state of the children of slave-holders should be fitted, by habits of more exertion, to provide for their own comfort.' Is it possible that this should be done, while slavery exists? Are not the children of slave-holders much less inured to habits of exertion, than they were thirty years ago? And is not the progress directly the reverse of what it should be? If it is not we are altogether misinformed.

As to the intimation, that the southern people of the present day "are not chargeable with the evils of slavery,' we readily allow much importance to it. Slavery in this country is two centuries old; and the man, who inherits from his ancestors a hundred slaves, will never have to answer for the guilt of reducing them to servitude. But we would intreat our southern friends to remember, that there is such a thing as consenting to the iniquities of preceding generations, and becoming exposed to similar condemnation with them. It may be as great an offence against God, for ought that we know, merely to do nothing towards meliorating the condition of slaves at the present time, as it was in former ages to bring them from Africa.

Besides, only a little more than thirty years ago the people of the southern states, having, for more than a dozen years, in war and in peace, declared it to be a self-evident truth that "all men were created equal," insisted upon the privilege of carrying on the slave-trade for twenty years longer, without interference on the part of the national government. During the few years which have elapsed, since that iniquitous traffic was forbidden, the laws have been often violated by the clandestine importation of slaves. And now the whole southern country have resisted every attempt to exclude slavery from the boundless regions west of the Mississippi.