genuine sense. But, in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise, to extend them.

"Taking care always to keep ourselves by suitable establishments in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies.

"Harmony, and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity, and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences," &c. &c. &c.

Without here examining whether the different administrations of America have always acted strictly in accordance with these wise suggestions, we at least see in them an explanation of the motives that induce the United States sedulously to avoid "entangling alliances," which in their peculiar position it would be folly to contract. And in the adoption of the line of policy here recommended to America, it is to be hoped will be found an antidote to such national enmities as may be supposed to exist in the councils of that country.

CHAPTER IV.

Examination of objections to the political institutions of the United States continued.-Effects of very large constituencies not such as have been anticipated.-Corruption not general.—The representative bodies in America not de facto delegates.

WITH respect to the assumption, that large constituencies, formed upon the principles that are in force in America, will return unworthy representatives, it is not found to be confirmed by the experience of several years, even in the larger states, and where the greatest extension is given to the democratic principle. We are also apt to suppose in England, that where multitudes of voters have to decide the elections, a necessary consequence will be extreme disorder, riot, and confusion; I can only say, that from whatever cause, no such effects generally arise from the mode of elections in the United States. Let us take New York for an example. And here I shall quote the statements of a correspondent of one of the leading journals of this country, which, as far as my opportunities of observation allow me to judge, are perfectly correct on this head. The letter is written in support of the clause, giving additional representatives to the metropolis; and after antici

pating the objections, on the score of riot, expense, &c., proceeds to state

"But what in reality is the case? In a late warmly contested election to the senate for the state of New York, there were about 250,000 voters polled; there were no brickbats, no dead cats, or any similar arguments resorted to on either side; in short, such modes of election are unknown among our unpolished brethen, and the expense to the successful candidate was about 40%.

"But then the man who was elected was surely some greasy mechanic, some pot-companion and worthy prototype of the illiterate and ignorant men who elected him?'

"The successful candidate was a man who has from early youth distinguished himself by his talents, his eloquence, and his enlarged and benevolent views. He occupied the post of secretary of state for the foreign and home departments, and relinquished that office from a high and delicate feeling of the peculiar position of his party, and that of the present president of the United States, to accept the appointment of minister to this country; in a word, it was Mr Van Buren.

"Nor is this a solitary instance, nor confined to one party; Mr Clay, Mr Webster, Mr M'Lane (the late envoy to this country), and indeed with scarcely

an exception, all the men elected by the larger bodies of constituents, are men distinguished for their talents, their services, or their standing in the estimation of the country. Nor are we authorised to say, that this is peculiar to the inhabitants of the United States: human nature is much the same, whether on this side of the Atlantic or the other. Neither are men in the lower walks of life prone to elect as their representatives those in nowise their superiors. The thought, I am as good as he is,' will prevent it. On the contrary, the greater the multitude, the more elevated must be the position which it is necessary to take, in order to be advantageously in their view.

"Then, on the score of expense, the opponents of popular representation will say, 'you must advocate vote by ballot, or the influence of wealth will be paramount in this country, whatever it may be there.' But let them recollect, that it is not easy to buy the majority of 250,000 votes, at even 57. each. And what is rather a remarkable fact, the ballot is, in a thousand instances, not resorted to in the United States; on the contrary, a display of the sentiments of the voters is made as much as in this country; and the order that prevails is less surprising, when we recollect who are the individuals here, whose arguments in support of their favourite candidate consist in the missiles thrown at the head of his

opponent. Are they not very generally those who have no vote? A man feels that he can much more effectually support his representative by giving him his vote than by stopping the mouth of the other party with a cabbage or a dead cat; and he perfers the easier and more useful method."*

M. Vigne confirms this account of the difficulty of perpetrating any acts of corruption in the United States, and his conviction of the non-existence of bribery at elections generally, he says, "that although, supposing the rich sometimes to influence the poor voters, he believes votes are rarely bought in the United States:"this is quite true, "voters are too numerous, and therefore corruptions costly and difficult of concealment;" and elsewhere, "it is to the credit of America that individual wealth has never yet been employed for any unconstitutional purpose." I cannot join in giving this credit entirely to the self-denial or patriotic principle of the people of the United States. I look upon it as rather the result of their institutions, human nature being much the same, and subject to the same temptations, in America as elsewhere; but their whole political system has been devised with a view to depriving

* Times, March 3d, 1832.

+ Vide Vigne's Six Months in America, Vol. I. p. 152 and 191; Vol. II. p. 242.