full of all filthines & abhominacion, blynde Phareseis, subtile Hypocrites, vnlearned asses, Romyshe foxes, Rawenyng wolues, Lordly Tyrantes, and such Lyke pestilences are appoynted to rule ouer thy flocke."-Sig. D. ii.

"And that thy blessed worde may haue the more fre passag, take away from vs those Idolatrus Massmongers, those idle latyne Mumblers, those shauen Madianites, those Lordly loyterers, those Wolues, those Theues, Robbers, and Murtherars, whiche do nothyng elles than poyson thy flocke, whom thy moste dere Sonne purchased withe hys moste Precious dere hearte bloode, and mak hawocke of thy sely simple shepe by leadyng them awaye frome the, throwe their vayne sophistrie vnto the Dewill & the pope, from thy holy worde and blessed ordenances vnto the trifeling tradicions&croked yea cankered constitucions of Hipocrites: And in the stead of them place thow godly Byshopes, learned Preachers, Christen Ministers, faithful teachers, True spirituall Fathers, Louyng pastors euen suche as will diligently seke vpe the loste shepe, whom the woulyshe Papistes in the tyme of their tiranny haue most wrechedli scattered abrode."Sig. D. vi.

But though I have thought it necessary to give these extracts relating to the change of religion in the country, and illustrating the mode in which that subject was treated by the writers of the Puritan party, yet they would do very imperfect justice to that part of the subject. There was another method of treating the matter which requires more particular notice, and of which I hope to speak in a separate essay.

WHEN the preceding essay went to the press it was my intention to proceed immediately to the consideration of what may be called the popular course pursued by the puritan party with regard to the change of religion in England. Argument is a fine thing for fine people; and learning is better than house or land, especially for those who possess the means of comparison, and are therefore best qualified to judge of relative values. But where the energies of the million are wanted there is a more compendious

and effective method of rousing them, and one that was appreciated and well understood by the parties with whose proceedings we are concerned. It is indeed a curious matter, and one which has been, as far as I know, very little noticed. At all events it has not received the attention which it deserves. But as it is one which extends over a considerable period, and comprehends a good deal of matter, it has appeared to me best to say a few words on a point relating more immediately to the exiled party, while some of their proceedings having been recently subjects of discussion, are fresh in remembrance.

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I have given copious specimens of the doctrine propounded or sanctioned by Knox, Goodman, Whittingham, Kethe, Traheron, Becon, and others, on the subject of female monarchy. I have shown the grounds on which these leading men of the party denounced it as monstruous," and I am not aware that as long as Queen Mary lived any one of them, or of their party, published one word of reply, or repudiation. It is obvious, therefore, that when they came to see the lady Elizabeth actually stepping into the throne, they must have felt themselves in an awkward predicament.

To refer to no other points which had been discussed, she was a woman as well as her sister; and no one who has read the foregoing pages can doubt that she would consider many of the passages which I have quoted, as capable of a very clear and unpleasant application to herself. Of course, if Mary was a thing accursed because she was a woman, so was Elizabeth; and if the "regiment" of one of these creatures was "monstruous," so would be that of the other. It must have puzzled the party extremely; and we cannot doubt that it was the subject of much thought and consultation; and judging from the result, we may suppose that they who were most concerned in the matter came to a decision that, as what had been done could not be undone, and what had been said could not be unsaid, it would be best to put a good face on the matter-to throw John Knox, the most violent and notorious maintainer of the opinion, overboard at once and for ever-to say as little as possible about the way in which the subject had been treated by Goodman and others, of whom it could not be pretended that they were "Scots and "straungers "—and to say as much as could be said in the way of denial, explanation, apology, contradiction, &c.,

by the pen of some staunch member of the party, who was not particularly and personally committed on the subject of female goverment. Happily for their need, they had among them a man "sharp in his discourse, facetious, bold, free in speech, blunt in words, stout and courageous; and it does credit to their sagacity, or his, that he was immediately in the field as the champion of the party.

Surely there was something chivalrous in the act; for it was not as if he had turned round upon his old friends; and though the business which he undertook naturally reminds one of

"the valiant rat

Who undertook to bell the cat,"

yet he really is not to be accused of anything like what is called "ratting," even allowing to that term all the improper latitude with which it is nowadays employed. I do not know that he said a word which could inculpate or disparage any one of his friends, or noticed any one word, written or spoken on the awkward subject with which he had to deal, except the "lytle booke strangely vvritten by a straunger;' and supposing this to have been entirely his own doing, it certainly was, all things considered, very creditable to him. Every one must be glad to know something of one who performed so singular a feat; and it is curious that, but for what seems in human estimation a very casual and trifling circumstance, very little would have been recorded of a man who is not known to have written any thing but this small book, now seldom heard of, and more rarely seen. But as

to the man himself, what library is without his "Life and Acts," a volume "wherein are explained many transactions 'of the Church of England, and what methods were then 'taken to preserve it, with respect both to the Papist and 'Puritan "?

Did the reader ever meet with a book intituled " Origines 'Literariæ; or a Treatise on the causes of Books; wherein 'is, by occasion, somewhat touched, the effect which such 'grounds and causes have had on the frame and tenor of the 'works themselves"? I never did; and I do not believe that there ever was such a thing; but I have often wished that there had been. It would be a most curious and valuable addition to literary history. In many cases we should learn how it happened that a certain author was led to take

up a certain subject, and to treat it in a certain way. We should sometimes find that it arose from no peculiar qualification or addiction, from no predilection, no particular knowledge of the subject or notion of its importance, but from some accidental circumstances which have never been generally known, or have become quite forgotten; and which, nevertheless, if present to the mind of the reader, would prepare him better than any other preface for the perusal of the work, and greatly help him to understand and appreciate it'.

1 Perhaps there are few better specimens than Limborch's History of the Inquisition. It is so long since I looked at the history of that work that I do not recollect the minute particulars, but I think that "The Book of Sentences" came into the hands of Locke, during his secession on the continent towards the end of the seventeenth century. This book, being an undoubtedly genuine document, containing the proceedings of the Inquisition at Toulouse, for about sixteen years (1307—1323), was very properly considered a great curiosity; but, I apprehend, that so far as history and truth were concerned, it might have lain obscure, if it had not seemed probable that it might do some good in the way of political agitation. Whether it did, or did not, in fact, people would suppose that it must, contain such revelations of a mystery of iniquity as would be appalling. At all events it would offer a good opportunity for exciting public feeling on the subject, and for any declamation that might be desirable. Who would read the original dog-latin document of four hundred close printed folio pages? In the hundred and fifty years since it was published who has read it? 1 verily believe no one individual. Gibbon looked at it, and lamented that it had not had a more learned and critical editor; but no matter for that; Limborch was a man of the right sort, which was much more important than that he should know about the Inquisition. So he made a great book, and prefixed a fierce dedication to Archbishop Tillotson assuring his Grace, and all other readers, in great words, and great letters, that he had in the great book thoroughly exposed Popery in its true colours, and that they might make up their minds on that subject, before they set out on their journey of some eight hundred folio pages of Latin, supposing that they had any idea of encountering that fatigue. What was to have been an introductory Treatise to "The Book of Sentences" grew, as the author learned his lesson, into the more ambitious form and title of "Historia Inquisitionis.' This History," says his biographer Morgan (in Aikin's General Biography), 'executed with such ability that Mr. Locke, that incomparable judge of men and books, pronounced it to be a work in its kind, ABSOLUTELY PERFECT. And in a Letter to Mr. Limborch himself" [though not perhaps intended to be quite private and confidential] "he told him that he had so fully exposed the Inquisitors' secret arts of wickedness and 'cruelty, that if they had any remains of humanity in them, they must be ashamed of that horrid tribunal, in which every thing that was just and righteous was so monstrously perverted; and that it ought to be ⚫ translated into the vulgar language of every nation, that the meanest

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he

"

I remember being once asked by the man to whom of all others I should have looked for an answer to the question, "How came Strype to write the life of Bishop Aylmer? I could not tell; and I suspect that not one reader in ten could assign any specific reason that would satisfy his own mind. Of course, if he has Strype's preface by heart, he persons" [the best judges in such a case]" might understand the antichristian practices of that execrable court." As to the original cause of all, "The Book of Sentences "itself; the sequel of its history is amusing and fortunate, and I hope I shall be pardoned if I seem to go a little out of the way to record the pious care of Archbishop Secker, of which, I believe, no man has so much right or so much reason to speak as myself. While he was bishop of Oxford, he was informed that the manuscript, which had served its turn, was for sale, and he was pressed to buy it lest (of all things in the world) it should fall into the hands of the Roman Catholics, who would of course be on the watch to seize and destroy such a witness against them. One is glad that it should have been bought, though it seems to have been under a delusion; for, unless misled by popular clamour, no Romanist could have wished that book to be destroyed. I think Mr. (afterwards Bishop) Butler was the negociator; but any reader who likes may see all the particulars for himself. They were preserved by the care and business-like habits of Secker, and are deposited with the Manuscript in the British Museum.

But to come to the point for which this History of the Inquisition is here referred to. Whatever Mr. Locke and his party might say of the book, and whatever face the author might put upon the matter in his dedication to the liberal Primate of England, Limborch was quite sensible that he had got out of his latitude. In the letter which he sent to Dr. Spencer (then the Head of C. C. College, Cambridge, but best known now as the writer De Legibus Hebræorum, &c.), and which is among the MSS. at Lambeth, he acknowledges to his learned friend with admirable simplicity, that he had allowed himself to be drawn into a matter quite out of his way. That purposing to edit the Book of Sentences, he determined to prefix a dissertation on the Inquisition, but coming to look at the writers on that subject he found that there was so much to be said about it, that he had changed his mind and made a full History, though nothing could have been a greater bore to a person of his line of study than patching together the bits from various writers of which he made his book; but the book was made, and it is a great book, and a book of great authority. I suppose that similar apologetic letters were sent with it to other scholars, but as I am not aware that this one to Dr. Spencer has been printed Í subjoin the beginning of it:—“In laborem a studiis meis 'plane alienum me pertrahi passus sum. Editurus Librum sententiarum Inquisitionis Tholosanæ dissertationem de Inquisitione præmittere sta'tueram: Verum cum autores qui de Inquisitione scribunt evolverem 'adeo uberem deprehendi materiam ut mutato consilio integram Inquisitionis Historiam conscripseram. Ego studio Theologico adsuetus mo'lestissimam sane expertus sum lucubrationem quæ laciniarum ex variis autoribus conquisitarum et in aptum methodum congestarum, collectione 'constat," &c.-MS. No. 674.

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