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it would be needless to say anything but that the author was a favourite with the English Reformers, and that several of his works (whether any of them were printed at Hamburgh or not) were translated into English, and printed in this country'. It will be observed, that these books of Urbanus Regius, like Bishop Gardiner's, are ascribed to the press of Franciscus Rhodus; a printer of whom, as far as I have been able to find, there is no other memorial whatsoever. He is, therefore, a very fit successor to John and Thomas Brocard, and, I suspect, one of the same inscrutable family.

But taking matters as they stand, the history of Hamburgh typography up to, and including, the time when Bishop Gardiner's work is said to have been printed there, is this: The book of Laudes in 1491-Tyndale's Testament, supposed, 1527-Hepinus's book, supposed, 1530Gardiner's and two of Urbanus Regius, actually said to be 1536. This is the history as far, at least, as it was known to Panzer. There might be books printed of which he knew nothing; and, on the other hand, books which he supposed to exist, may have been only imaginary. His list for any given city or town may, it is granted, be either defective or redundant, but we must take one with another; and certainly Hamburgh was not so much out of the ken of the Pastor of

7 It would be tedious to enter into details, but it may be worth while to give one or two extracts from Herbert's Ames. "The Sermon which Christ made on the way to Emaus to those two sorrowfull disciples, set downe in a dialogue by D. Urbane Regius," with "A brefe ingresse to the Christian Reader by John Foxe," printed by John Day, 1578. Herb. p. 664. "A Declaration of the twelue articles of the Christen fayth' "by D. Urbanum Regium, printed by Jugge, 1548." Herb. 714. "An Instruccyon of Christen fayth.... made by Vrbanus Regius . . . dedicated by J. Fox the translator, to his reuerende and singular good father Ric Melton,"" printed by Hugh Singleton without date. Herb.744. "The olde Learnyng and the new compared together, newly corrected and augmented by Wyllyam Turner. Translated from Urban Regius." Printed by Stoughton, 1548. Herb. 750. "A lytle Treatise after the maner of an Epistle wryten by the famouse Clerk Doctor Vrbanus Regius," &c., printed by Walter Lynne, 1548. Herb. 753. "Solace of Sion, and Joy of Jerusalem," &c., being an exposition on the 87th psalm (that is, the work mentioned in the text) "by Vrbanus Regius: translated by Rich. Robinson." Printed by Richard Jones, 1594. Herb. 1049. "A homelie or sermon of the good and euill Angell," &c., by Urbanus Regius, translated by Rich Robinson. Printed by John Charlwood, 1590. Herb. 1101.

Nuremberg as many of the places from which he gives much more numerous lists of books printed in the first thirty-six years of the sixteenth century. It would, of course, be absurd to expect from Hamburgh anything like the fecundity of Paris, which furnishes 2839 articles, or of Venice with 1959, or Basil with 1121. Panzer, however, could find at Leipsic, 965; at Lyons, 866; at Cologne, 859; Strasburgh, 808; and (not to speak of places where the numbers are so far beyond all comparison) he found at Cracow 283, and even at Thessalonica, he gleaned more than four times as many as at Hamburgh.

8

But after so much talk about Bonner's Preface, I cannot help thinking some readers may like to see it. It is not long, and perhaps they may gain some farther ground of opinion from internal evidence. The following is the English translation as it stands in the Roane edition":

"EDMVND BONER

"Archedeacon of Leicester, the king
of England his most excellent ma-
iesties embassadour in Denmarke.
"To the sincere, gentle herted,
and godly Reader.

"Forasmuch as ther be som (doubtles) euen at this present, as it hath alwaies bene the wont of mens iudgementes to be variable and diuerse, which thinke, the controuersy that is betwne the kyng of England and of Fraunce his most roial maiestie and the bishop of Rome, consisteth in this point, Because the Kynges said maiestie hath taken the most excellent and most noble lady Anne to his wife : where as in very dede notwithstanding, the matter is far otherwise, and nothing so. Wherfore, to the intent al that truly and heartelye fauour the Gospell of Christ (which that most godly and most vertuous prince, doth with al diligent endeuour, in euery place aduance, to the honour of almightie God, and to the profuyt and commoditie of al christian people) and that are not enemies, but louers of the truth (which euery where iustly claimeth the vpper hand, and to her, althinges, though thei struggle with her neuer so much in the beginning, yet obey and geue place at length as mete it is thei shoulde) mai the more fully vnderstand the chief point of that controuersy, and because thei shal not be ignorant, what the whole voyce and resolute determinacion of the best and greatest

8 These numbers are taken cursorily from the first list of places, without reference to supplemental additions, by which they might have been very considerably increased; which is not the case as it regards Hamburgh.

9 There are several trifling variations between this and the Rome edition of the preface. But I do not know that there are any of importance.

learned byshops with all the nobles and commons of England is, not onely in that cause of Matrimony, but also in the defending of the gospels doctrine: This Oracion of the bishop of Winchester (a man excellently learned in al kind of learning) entiteled De vera Obedientia, that is, concerning true Obedience, whiche he made lately in England, shal go openly abrode. But as touching this bisshoppes worthi praises, ther shalbe nothing spoken of me at this time: Not onely because thei are infinite, but because they ar far better knowne to all Christendome, than becommeth me here to make rehersal. And as for the Oration itself, which as it is most learned, so is it moost elegaunt, to what purpose should I make any wordes of it, seing it praiseth it selfe inough, and sence good Wine nedeth no tauerne bushe to vtter it. But yet in this Oration, whosoeuer thou art most gentle Reader, thou shalt besides other matters, se it notably and learnedly handeled, of what importannce and how inuincible the power and excellencie of goddes truth is: which as it may nowe and then be pressed of enemies, so it cannot possiblye bee oppressed after such sort, but it commeth again at length behind the scrine, more glorious and more welcome.

"Thou shalt se also touching obedience, that obedience is subiect to truthe, and what is to be iudged true obedience. Besides this of mens tradicions, which for the moost part, are vtterly repungnant against the truth of gods law. And therby the waye, he speaketh of the kynges said highnes Mariage, whiche by the ripe iudgement, authoritie and priuiledge of the most and principal Vniuersities of the world, and than with the consent of the hole church of England, he contracted with the most cleare and most noble ladie quene Anne. After that, touching the kinges maiesties title as pertaining to the supreme head of the church of England. Lastlye of al, of the false pretensed supremacie of the bish. of Rome, in the Realme of England, most iustly abrogated, and howe all other byshopes being felowe like to him in their funccion, yea and in som pointes aboue him also wythin their owne prouinces, wer before tyme bound to him by their oth.

"But be thou most surely persuaded of this good Reader, that the bishop of Rome (though ther wer no cause els but this mariage) wyll easely content himself: specially, hauinge one morsell or other caste him. But whan he seith so mightie a king, being a right vertuous and a great learned prince, so sincerely and so heartelie to fauour the gospell of Christ, and perceiueth the yearly rauenous pray (yea so large a pray, that it came to asmuch almoost as all the kinges reuenewes) snapped out of his handes, and that he could no longer exercise his tiranny in the kinges maiesties realme (alas it hath bene to cruell and bitter al this while) nor make lawes as he hathe done many, to the contumely and reproch of the maiestie of God, which is euident that he hath done in times paste, vnder the title of the catholike churche, and the authoritie of the Apostles Peter and Paul (whan notwithstanding he was a verye rauening wolfe, dressed in shepes clothing, calling himself seruant of seruannts) to the great damage of the christen commen welth: A manne may say there began the mischeif thereof rose these discordes, these discordes, [sic] these deadly malices, and so great

troublous bustlings. For if it were not thus, no man could beleue, that this Jupiter of Olimpus, whiche hath falsely taken vppon him power,' wherein is more bragge than hurt, wold haue done his best that this good and godly and righte gospelike prince shold be falsely betraied to all the reast of Monarkes and princes.

"Neither let it moue the (gentle reader) that the B. of Winchestre, did not afore now, applie to this opinion: for he him selfe in this Oration sheweth the cause, why he did it not. And if he hadde saide neuer a word, yet thou knowest well, what a wittie part it is, for a man to suspend his iudgement, and not be to rashe in geuing of sentence. It is an old saying: Mary Magdalen profited vs lesse in her quick belefe that Christ was risen, then Thomas that was longer in doubt. A man maye rightlie cal him Fabius, that wyth his aduised taking of leasure restored the matter to his ful perfection. Albeit I speake not this, as though Winchestre had not boulted out this case secretlie with himself before hand (for he boulted it euen to the branne long ago, out of doubt) but that, running faire and softlie, he would first with his painful studie, plucke the matter oute of the darke, althoughe of it selfe, it was clearelie sound inough, but by reason of sondrie opinions, it was lapped vp and made darke: and then did he debate it wittily to and fro, and so at last (after longe and great deliberation had in the matter) because ther is no better counsailour, then leasure and tyme, he wold resolutelie with his learned and consummate iudgement confirme it. Thou shouldest (gentle Reader) esteme his censure and auctoritye to bee of the more waightie credence, in asmuch as the matter was not rashlie, and at al aduentures, but wyth iudgement (as thou seest) and with wisdome examined and discussed. As for this is no newe example, to be against the b. of Rome: seeinge that not onelie this man, but many men many times, yea and right great learned men afore now, haue done the same euen in writinges: wherin thei both painted him out in his colours, and made his sleightes, falsehead, fraudes, and disceatfull wiles, openlie knowen to the world. Therfore if thou at any time heretofore haue doubted either of true obedience, or of the kinges maiesties mariage, or title, either els of the b. of Romes false pretenced supremaci, as if thou haddest a good smelling nose, and a sound iudgement, I think thou diddest not yet hauing red ouer this Oration (which if thou fauour

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1 In the original, "hunc Jovem Olympium, qui potestatem plane *Ανυπεύθυνον sibi falso arrogavit. I have said that Bonner's preface is wanting in the Lambeth copy of the Hamburgh Latin book; and, in order to do as I would be done by, I should add that I have no copy of the original Latin of that preface except what is in Dr. Brown's Fasciculus, and a very beautiful and elaborate MS. copy kindly furnished to me by Mr. Laing. I here follow the latter, which is, I have no doubt, the most correct throughout, though I have not collated it with Dr. Brown's reprint. Certainly it is so in this place, where it reads "ptātē plane άUTCUOUVO," which stands in the Fasciculus "pietatem plane 'AveÚDavov," instead of "potestatem."

“ quoniam Σύμβουλος εὐδείς ἐστι βελτίων χρόνου, docto et consummato judicio suo comprobare voluerit."

the truth, and hate the tirannie of the bishop of Rome and his deuelish fraudulent falshod, shall doutles wonderfullie content the) throw downe thine errour, and acknowledge the truth now frely offered the at length: considering with thy selfe, that it is better late to do so, than neuer to repent. Fare thou hartelie wel, most gentle reader, and not onelie loue this most valeaunt king of Englande and of Fraunce, who vndoubtedlie was by the prouidence of god born to defend the gospell: but also honour him and with all thy heart serue him moost obediently. As for this Winchestre who was longe ago withoute doubt reputed among the greatest learned men, geue him thy good word with honourable commendations."

On this preface I will here observe only two things. First, that beside the fulsome flattery of Gardiner, and the gross abuse of the pope, (both of which, perhaps, assume rather an exaggerated appearance in this coarse translation), the whole style of the composition is more rhetorical, not to say pedantic, than might have been expected from Bonner. How much Greek the Archdeacon of Leicester carried in his head, or in his portmanteau, when he went on his embassy to Denmark, I cannot tell; but one has not been used to consider him a person from whom one might expect stray sprinkles of it in Latin composition. It is odd, that the very same thing is done by Epinus at least half-adozen times, upon very slight provocation, in his prefatory address to the Marquis Joachim, which I have quoted. Epinus really was at Hamburgh in 1536, and a good while before and after. Is it possible that Bonner may have taken lessons in composition from him? or is anything else more likely?

Secondly, it is singular that this Preface seems to have been-I was going to say so little known, but that would not express my meaning, for, doubtless, it was well known by those for whom these clandestine books were printed, and among whom they circulated, and I will rather say-so much unknown,—or unknown to such persons as those who do in fact seem to have known nothing about it. For instance, its existence is not mentioned in the reprint of Gardiner's Oration by Goldastus, or in the long prefatory matter by which that Oration is introduced, and which is signed by Capito, Hedio, Bucer, and all the other ecclesiastics of Strasburgh. Had they never heard of Bonner's Preface? or did Goldastus know, and omit, a document so much to his purpose? Again, I think that the Preface is never once incidentally hinted at in the Depositions in the

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