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hower ; for I was not ouer hasty to aske after hym. There no man knew me, nor I them. There was a great fyer in the chamber, the wether was colde, and I saw now and then a Bishop come out; but I durste not stand nyghe the fyer, for feare of burnyng. Theyr was in all aboute a dozen bishops, whose solemne and lordely lokys pleased me not. Whom when I behelde, betwene me and the fyer, as they passed forbye, in good faythe me though[t] I saw nothing els but the galouse and the hangman: but, as grace was, none of them knew me. Then the tresurer sent for me downe into his chamber; and there he told me, that the Cardynal sente not for me. Then I beganne to smell theyr secrete conuayaunce, and how they had counterfeted theyr lordes, the Cardinales, letters. And here the tresurer sent me to the bishope of Lyncolne, tellynge me that a suffragane had accused me. Whych suffragane I neuer see nor knew. I went a good pase toward the bishops place, and ouertoke hys chaunceler, called Doctour Rains, shewing him y! I wold speake wyth my lord. He shewed my lord of me, and said that I must come againe the mornyng of the clocke. I dyd so, and wayted for my lorde at the stayers fote til it was about.viii. My lord came down, and I dyd my dutye to hym. He asked me, 'Be you M. Joye?' "Ye forsothe my lorde,' quod I. Abyde,' said he, 'wyth my Chaunceler tyll I come agayne;' (for my lord with all the bishopes toke theyr barges to wayte upon the Cardinall that mornyng to Grenewiche to the kyng,) I desired my lord to be good lord unto me, and shew me his pleasure, what hys lordshype wold with me, and wherfore I am thus sent unto hym; and he answered me like a lord, and bad me tary with his chaunceler, and sayd I shuld wayte vpon his laiser. There toke I my leve of my lord, and saw him no more.

“Then, bycause M. Gascoigne rode home the same day into Bedfordeshier, and bad me ouer euen to come againe on the morow and tell him how I sped, I desyerde M. Chaunceler to [let me) go to him, promisyng to come agayne at such a time as he wold apointe me at my lordes coming home; for he tolde me that my lorde wold come agayne the same day about .ii. or .iii. of the cloke. I came to M. Gascoing, whych I perceyued by his wordes fauored me not, and he rebuked me because I studied Arigene, [Origen] 'Whych was an heretike,' said he; and he said that I helde such opinions as did Bilney and Arture: which discomforted me very sore, when I perceyued him to be my enemye, whom I toke for my good master. There I saw hym laste. Then came I to the byshopes place agayne at my houre, and shewed my selfe to M, Chaunceler. And there dannsed I a colde attendance tyll all most nyght; and yet my lord was not come. Then I went to M. Chaunceler wyth whom was Watson the scribe, desyryng him that I mought departe ; for I though[t] my lord wold not come home that nyght, sayng that I had farre to my lodging, and I loued not to walke late. Lothe they were, I perceyued, and especially the scribe, that I shulde go: but they wolde nether byd me to supper, nor promyse me lodgynge; and I made haste, sayng that I wold come agayne on the morow to se and my lord were come home. Then sayd the scribe, Where is your lodging ?' And here I was so bold to make the scribe a lye for hys asking ; telling hym that I laye at the grene drogon toward Bishopsgate, when I laye a myle of, euen a contrary waye; for I neuer trusted scribes nor pharisais, and I perceyued he asked me not for any good. Here I bad them bothe good nyght.

“As I went now I thought thus with my selfe, I am a scholer of Cambridge under only the vice chauncelers iurisdiction, and under the great God the Cardinal; and M. Gascoigne said the Cardinall sent not for me; I wyll take a brethe yere I come to these men agayne.

On the morowe I was not ouer hastie to come to the chaunceler ; but as I walked in the citie, I met with a scoler of Cambrydge ; and he tolde me that the bisshop of Lincolne had sent hys seruaunt besely to enquire, and to seke me; 'What is the matter' quod I. "Mary,' quod he, it is sayde that he wold geue you a benefice for preachyng in hys diocese.' A benefice,' quod I, 'ye a malefice rather, for so rewarde they men for wel doynge.' Then I gote me horse and rode fro my benefice, and lefte college, and all that I had, and conuayed me selfe towarde the seaside ready to flee farther yf need were. But many a foule, jeoperdouse, and sorowfull, iourny had I yere I came there. And, in my traueling, I mette with a good felowe of mi olde acquaintaunce, which merueled gretly to see me in so straunge a countrye, to whome I opened my minde shewyng him partely of my hateful state, troublouse and paynfull iournes that I had both by vnknowne waies, and also be night many times. 'Be my trowthe,' quod he, 'I meruel ye be not robbed so many theueshe wayes as you have ryden.' And then he warned me of a theueshe place that I must nedes ride bye, and [I] asked him agayne, 'Know you the place, and what great mendwel theraboutes?' 'Ye well,' sayd he. Then quod I, 'But dwel ther any bishopes that waye ?' (for I had leuer have mette with .xx. theues then wyth one bishope.) 'Nay,' quod he. Then was I glad, and rode on my waye, and euer blessed me from byshopes.

But the bishop of Lincolne layed prevey wait for me to be taken, and my fete bound under an horse bely to brought in him. The be as the great bishop of Ely our visitour, angry supra modum *; and yet he wolde haue cyted me viis et modis, expulsed me my college when I was gone, had my flyght preuented his comyng. Sed bene. dictus dominus qui non dedit me in captione dentibus eorum. (Ps. cxxiv. 6.] Amen.

“O Nowe M. priour, if there be any thyng in thys my answere that offendeth you, blame your selfe, not me. You firste rolled the stone; I am not yet (thanked be God) so feabled, but that by Gods helpe, I am able to rolle it you agayne; not to hurte you, as you hurted me; but rather to heale your ignoraunce wyth the trewe knowleg of goddes word. And where as I am not so pacient in my

ought to be, and as you desyre, I praye you impute it vnto the commune decease of all men borne of Adam whose childe I am, yet staned with those carnal affectes souked out of him fro my conception and can not be fully mortified but by death, then to be perfite, renued in spirit, and made lyke oure brother Chryste, the fyrste begoter among hys many brotheren. But yet of thys one present conforte we are here al sure that beleue in goddes promise;

4 The text appears to be corrupt. I give it as it stands.

answere as

that is to say, al our infirmities and synne (of the whych as longe as we are in this mortal fleshe we can not be perfitly deliuerd) to be swelowed in christes deth thorow our faith, nether shall they be impated vnto us, Christ being our ryghtuousnes, wysdome, holines, our redemption, and our satisfaction before his father,” &c.

The reader will bear in mind that we are not discussing the question, whether George Joye had a right to deceive his persecutors; or, indeed, how far what he did was morally right or wrong. That is, no doubt, a very important question; but it is not the one now under consideration. We are at present only inquiring how far he, or any member of the sect of which he was a leader, may be relied on as an authority in matters relating to that sect. He tells us, without any appearance of hesitation or compunction, that he said what was false to others. May he not be doing the same to us? May we, for instance, believe that the prior's letter is genuine? I should think so; but, I must say, rather from internal evidence than on his authority; and perhaps, without entering upon technical reasons for the opinion, I may say, that I believe the date from Strasburgh to be merely a blind, and that the book was printed in London. With regard to deception of that kind, it is notorious that the puritan party had no scruple.

Having said thus much of Cambridge, and Cambridge men, let me (to borrow Strype's words)“ here take in . “what progress the other University of Oxford made about the same time also in religion; Thomas Garret, Curate of Honey-lane, London, and who was burnt in the same fire with Dr. Barnes, was the great instrument thereof there. Who brought thither sundry books in Latin, treating of the Scripture, with the first part of • Unio Dissidentium,' and Tyndal's first translation of the New Testament; which was about the year 1525, or 1526; which books he sold at Oxon, and dispersed them among the students. Cardinal Wolsey and the Bishop of London had intelligence of this man, and that he had a number of these heretical books, as they called them, and that he was gone to Oxford to vend them; and a privy search was intended to be made for him in that University. But one Cole, of Magdalen college, afterwards Cross-bearer unto the Cardinal, gave secret warning of this to a friend or two of Garret's, and advised them to persuade him to be gone. And now a great many in Oxon became suspected in religion; as they might well be; for they fell very hard upon reading these books, and gathered much light in religion from them ; namely, Delaber, of Alban hall; Clark, Sumner, Bets, Taverner, Radley, Frith, Cox, Drum, and others, of St. Frideswyde's college, or the Cardinal's college, now Christ's Church; Udal, and Diet, and others, of Corpus Christi ; Eeden of Magdalen college; others of Glocester college; two monks of St. Austin's, of Canterbury, named Lungport; and Jobn Salisbury, of St. Edmond's Bury; two White Monks of Bernard college; two Canons of St. Mary's college, one whereof was Robert Farrar, after. wards a Bishop and a martyr; and divers more.”—Mem. Vol. I. P. i. p. 569. 8vo edit.

The person to whom I wish to direct the reader's attention is the first named of Garret's disciples, who became the historian of some of his proceedings. “The story of Thomas Garret or Garrerd, and of his trouble in Oxford, testified and recorded by Anthony Dalaber, who was there present the same time,” is given at great length by Fox in his Martyrology"; but a brief outline of it may suffice for our present purpose, as our business lies not so much with the hero of the story, as with the historian.

About the year 1526, Master Garret, as we have just learned from Strype, came to Oxford, bringing with him sundry books in Latin, treating of the scripture, with the first part of " Unio dissidentium," and Tyndall's first translation of the New Testament; and, moreover, it was not unknown to Cardinal Wolsey, and to the Bishop of London, and to other of that ungodly generation, that M. Garret had a great number of these books, and that he was gone to Oxford to make sale of them there to such as he knew to be the lovers of the gospel. They determined, therefore, to apprehend him; but their purpose becoming known to him and his friends, it was agreed that he must fly.

Anthony Dalaber, the narrator, was at that time a scholar of Alban's Hall, and resident in the university ; but he had lately been in his “country in Dorsetshire at Stalbridge; and his brother, who was parson of that parish, being in want of a curate, had desired that he would send him one from Oxford. Whereupon, as he proceeds to state, “it was thought good among the brethren (for so did we not only call one another, but were indeed one to another,) that Master Garret changing his name, should be sent forth with my letters into Dorsetshire to my brother, to serve him there for a time, until he might secretly convey himself from thence some whither over the

5 Edition of 1596, p. 1089, but some few particulars which Fox omitted in his later editions are taken from Messrs. Seeley's edition, vol. v. p. 421, &c. I trust that no reader will understand me as vouching for the correctness of the reprint; but the matter is so trifling that it is not worth while to seek after the very scarce original edition of Fox.

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