to preserve and defend it. Their desires, as far as they are based on patriotic ideals and not on personal ambition, greed, and love of power, are compatible with the American policy, as conceived by Gen. MacArthur, which must result in planting republican institutions throughout the archipelago accompanied by the safeguards of personal, political, and religious liberty which are possible only under the auspices of the Constitution of the United States, so that in its ultimate form the archipelago shall assume the appearance of one or more self-supporting commonwealths, with a population attached to their institutions and capable of maintaining them, even in the improbable event of the withdrawal of the creative power. At present and for many years to come the necessity of a large American military and naval force is apparent. Education is the means required for bringing about political enlightenment. Considerable progress has been made, and, considering the circumstances, the results are surprising. The almost universal aspiration for education and the specific desire to learn the English language must be regarded as an involuntary expression of friendship and of confidence in American motives and ultimate aims. The people are intelligent, generous, and flexible, and will probably yield quickly to political tuition when thoroughly informed of American institutions and purposes.

The maintenance of a great many widely scattered garrisons, with consequent increase in the perils and hardships of the soldiers and in the cost of administration, transport, and supply, was rendered expedient because the insurgent Tagalogs deliberately adopted the policy of murdering all their countrymen who were friendly to the United States. As rapidly as the American troops occupied territory the policy was followed of inviting inhabitants to return to their peaceful vocations and of aiding them in the reestablishment of their local government, and the protection of the United States was promised. To render efficient protection to peaceful and unarmed Filipinos who submitted it was necessary to maintain the American forces in the Philippines at almost the same strength as was required when Aguinaldo had a large and well-armed army in the field. The actual power of resistance possessed by the insurgents decreased rapidly as the Americans extended the posts, until their military activity was little more than a form of brigandage, but the influence that they exercised over the sympathies or fears of the people diminished slowly. The ladrones, or robbers, who crop up in the islands always in troublous times, took advantage of the rebellion and worked in harmony with the insurrectos, who supplied them with arms. A more stringent way of proceeding was adopted later, when the guerrilla war became

more desperate and ruthless, the people at large more well disposed and willing to accept American rule, and the officers better acquainted with the people and able to distinguish between those who were active in the rebellion and those whom they blackmailed and intimidated. Houses and barrios, or small villages, from which troops were fired upon or which harbored and hid ladrones or insurrectos who were being pursued were destroyed, and hostile natives who were caught redhanded were no longer released after a few days, but were kept confined in great military prisons. The search for arms was so actively and thoroughly pursued that the natives turned in not only bolos, but rifles. The mountain barracks that the insurgents had built as storehouses and shelters in the rainy season were sought out and destroyed, as well as their watchtowers and lookouts, and in these quests quantities of rice, sugar, clothing, and ammunition were captured. To every insurgent who surrendered his rifle $30 was given. The barbarities practiced by the insurgents to obtain contributions when their influence began to wane alienated the sympathies of most of their peaceful adherents. In the early

part of the war the Kalipunan, their secret society, had strong branches in every town, was active even in Manila, and in the interior controlled the whole population. Eleven of the officials at the head of the administration in the province of Tarlac were arrested and condemned for conspiring with

insurgent leaders, and presidentes of the villages had frequently to be deposed. The insurgents were strong enough to harass the garrisons daily. The generals led strong expeditions through the country, established posts, and the more the soldiers came into contact with the people and were able to protect the pacificos, the less formidable became the resistance. In the early spring campaigns were conducted under Gen. Hughes in Panay and under Gen. Bates and Gen. Kobbe in southeastern Luzon, attended by many sharp battles. Gradually, as the army occupied the islands and spread out into small garrisons, the number engaged descended the scale from brigades to regiments, to battalions, to companies, to squads, and while the number of actions increased, the number of casualties diminished. Thus in February, 1899, the first month of the rebellion, there were 64 engagements, in which 66 officers and men were killed and 360 wounded; in the second month 80 were killed and 563 wounded in 61 actions; and in June, when operations grew slack on account of the weather, 32 were killed and 135 wounded in 32 actions. In December, 1899, there were 75 actions, in which 19 were killed and 81 wounded; in January, 1900, when, besides desultory actions in the north, a regular campaign was proceeding in the southern provinces of Luzon, in 114 actions 41 Americans were killed and 131 wounded; in February, 30 were killed and 70 wounded in 104 actions; in March, 21 were killed and 62 wounded in 103 actions; in April, 38 were killed and 67 wounded in 121 actions; in May, 28 were killed and 66 wounded in 108 actions; in June, 25 were killed and 56 wounded in 131 actions. The conflict at this point had descended to bushwhacking and brigandage. The distribution of troops in 300 posts dispelled hostility and improved the temper of the people, who had been originally aroused by absurd falsehoods of the leaders, such as the statement that the United States Government meant to place them on reservations, where they would die out like the American redmen. Insurgents who did not surrender after defeat divided into small guerrilla bands or became ladrones. The mass of the people longed for peace and were willing to accept the government of the United States. Nearly all the prominent generals and politicians of the insurrection were either captured in these months or voluntarily surrendered and took the oath of allegiance to the United States. The policy of leniency and the promise of amnesty induced them to surrender. The small bodies of insurgents remaining under arms fled to mountain fastnesses, whence they issued for night attacks, usually harmless, or to ambush small American detachments, or to collect contributions or recruit among the people, whom they terrorized by cutting out tongues, cutting off limbs, or burying alive, and by their murders and robberies. They made themselves detestable, and still they maintained a surveillance over the people, even in garrisoned towns, and whoever gave information to the Americans usually risked his life.

In June the Filipino leaders plotted an uprising against the authorities in Manila, a general massacre of Americans and of the natives serving or friendly to the Government, and the seizure of arms and ammunition to re-equip the insurgent forces. Inhuman conduct marked the guerrilla campaign from the beginning on the part of the insurgents. When one of their camps was attacked in January they tried to strike terror into the breasts of the Americans by leading out 5 prisoners and shooting them. Their military power, even as a guerrilla force, was broken before

the rainy season began. Yet their reign of terror continued, and the acts of vengeance and rapine that they committed on the amigos, the friends of the Americans, necessitated constant vigilance and activity on the part of the troops.

On June 21, 1900, by direction of the President, a proclamation was issued by Gen. MacArthur granting amnesty to all insurgents who made submission. Many of the leaders took advantage of it, and large numbers of insurgents delivered up their arms.

Aguinaldo and the other leaders who still held out were watching the trend of public opinion in the United States. When they found that the leaders of one of the great political parties seemed ready to commit the fate of the Philippine Islands into their care, and that whereas before only a group of independent politicians and publicists in the United States befriended them, they had a prospect of making terms with the United States Government to suit themselves if the presidential election should be won by that party, they were spurred to a supreme effort. When the issue was once raised in American politics fresh disturbances broke out, not in Luzon alone, but in Leyte, Panay, Samar, Cebu, and other islands where the Tagalogs had introduced their doctrines and authority in the early days of the rebellion. In central and northern Luzon, which American troops had first occupied in force, the natives had learned to trust Americans and to desire a settled state of affairs under their government. They could not be stirred up anew to any extent. Some of the principal members of Aguinaldo's former government, such as Buencamino, the Secretary of State in the Malolos administration, Mabini, and Paterno, and some of his best generals were now co-operating heartily with the Americans, and telling the natives to submit. Of the generals, Pio del Pilar, Macabulos, Catalino, Garcia, and others had surrendered or been captured. It was in southern Luzon and the Visayas that the hostilities broke out anew. The departure of two regiments for China, and the prospective return to America of the volunteers forming half the army of occupa tion in a few months, encouraged the insurgent leaders in the belief that they could by holding out have matters go in any way they would. inclination of the people not actively engaged in the rebellion to embrace the American cause was checked by the revival of terrorism. The presidentes and municipal councilors appointed in towns where local self-government was being introduced under American auspices were in some instances murdered even in central Luzon.

The

The

army of 65,000 men could not guard against such reprisals. The men formerly identified with the Philippine Republic and prominent Filipinos who preceded them in the expression of American sympathies were no longer safe in Manila. Many of them went away to Hong-Kong. The high prices of food~40 to 75 cents a pound in gold for meat, and rice double the normal price had much to do with the discontent. In Spanish times the Government came into competition with the venders when meat sold for more than 10 cents a pound. All northern Luzon, except in Nueva Ecija and Bulucan, was practically free from insurgents in August, and the people were planting and asking for municipal government. In southern Luzon insurrectionary bands were dodging from one mountain refuge to another, as also in Samar, Leyte, and parts of Panay; but in Negros, Cebu, Romblon, Masbate, Sibuyan, Tablas, Bohol, and other Visayan islands there was little disturbance. Mindanao ladrones made the country dangerous near the old Tagalog penal settlement of Cagayan

In

and at Surigao. Every effort that the insurgent leaders made to mass together enough men to crush one of the garrisons failed. The recrudescence of disturbances began in August, and in September the situation became so much worse that Gen. MacArthur asked for and received reenforcements to his army of 65,000 men. So many men were required to furnish supplies to distant garrisons, escorts for wagon trains and for military and civil officers, and the protection of peaceful natives against ladrones and vengeful insurgents, as also the Government property scattered among the numerous stations, that few were left for active operations against the remaining insurgents and robber bands. In September the country north of Pasig, including all Bulucan, became disturbed, as well as the south, including Tayabas. At Mavitac, Capt. Mitchell with 140 men attacked 800 insurgents in position, and eventually they were forced to retreat, but the 2 chief officers and 22 men of the Americans lost their lives. Several small engagements took place in the Ilocan provinces. In October the insurgents redoubled their activity, although without having any centralized military organization. Their civil administration had entirely disappeared when their army was broken up and the United States troops occupied the provinces, except that wherever municipalities were organized by the Americans rival municipal authorities secretly collected contributions and exercised judicial and executive powers in the name of the Philippine Republic. In some instances they were the very officials whom the American Government had installed, who seemed to carry out their proper official duties and their treasonable activities with equal zeal. One band of about 400 insurgents the troops pursued vigorously and wiped out because it was led by an American deserter. In an engagement fought on Oct. 24 a small force of Americans was compelled to retreat before several thousand insurgents. Gen. Vicente Lukban and his men had full sway in the island of Samar with the exception of Catbalogan, Calbayog, and Labuan, and the American garrisons in these seacoast towns he worried constantly and defied. Other such freebooters flourished in places where the Americans could not develop military strength, growing rich from the tribute they levied on the planters and merchants, but having no communication with each other or with Aguinaldo, who was still in hiding. A Filipino representative, Agoncillo, appeared at this time in the United States and issued a proclamation declaring that the war would last until the Filipinos gained independence; that such was the desire of the entire population; and that even if the Americans triumphed, peace would be only temporary, and a strong army would be required to hold the people in subjection.

After the presidential election was over the extraordinary rebel activity subsided at once. No insurgents were left excepting marauding bands of ladrones and the independent military chiefs who lived by blackmail. Notorious desperadoes who feared punishment for their crimes kept a few followers together in the mountains. The rest of the insurgents gradually surrendered, and in provinces such as Iloilo, in the island of Panay, where the bulk of the people, through rebel sympathies or fear of rebel vengeance, had hesitated to take the oath, they came in thousands to swear allegiance to the United States. The Katipunan Tagalogs, who were the backbone of the revolution, and the native padres, who had done most to encourage the spirit of resistance, accepted American sovereignty with apparent sincerity or resignation. The submission of the Tagalogs set the troops free

to re-establish peace and introduce orderly government in the southern islands.

Organization of Civil Government. The Philippine Commission, appointed to report on the question of civil government for the islands, composed of J. G. Schurman, George Dewey, Charles Denby, and Dean C. Worcester, reported to the President in January, 1900, recommending the appointment of an American governor, to be assisted by a council containing both natives and Americans, and of provincial governors, who should be Americans. The constitution of a Legislative Assembly was suggested, part of the members of which should be elected and the others nominated, the acts of this body to be subject to veto by the United States Government. The islands should be subdivided into administrative divisions, and natives as well as Americans would be eligible for administrative offices. A new Philippine Commission was appointed to report to the President on the conditions of the islands. to legislate in civil and financial matters subject to the approval of the military authorities, and to formulate schemes for local self-government and the development of civil institutions to supersede the military authority after the establishment of order. The decree introducing autonomous and decentralized municipal government was promulgated by Gen. Otis on March 29, 1900. The laws for the government of the Philippine municipalities were prepared by a board of which Cayetano Arellano, Chief Justice of the Philippines, was president. The municipal government of each town was vested in an alcalde and a municipal council, to be chosen at large by the qualified electors of the town for the term of two years from the first Monday in January next after the election and until their successors are chosen and qualified. The number of councilors varies from 3 in towns of fewer than 10,000 inhabitants up to 18 in towns of the first class with over 25,000 inhabitants. Each elector before casting his ballot is compelled to take an oath that he is not a citizen or a subject of any foreign power, and that he recognizes and accepts the supreme authority of the United States of America, and will maintain true faith and allegiance thereto. The electors are those who have held office under Spanish rule as municipal captain, gobernadorcillo, or lieutenant; those who pay $30 or more in taxes; and those who speak, read, and write English and Spanish. Ecclesiastics, soldiers in active service, persons receiving salaries from municipal, provincial, or Government funds, debtors to such funds, contractors of public works and

A TAGALOG, NATIVE OF

MALABON.